Strabo Geography Book 10
Strab.
10.1.1 Since Euboea lies parallel to the whole of
the coast from Sunium to Thessaly, with the exception
of the ends on either side,1
it would be appropriate to connect my description of the
island with
that of the parts already described before passing on to
Aetolia and
Acarnania, which are the remaining parts of Europe to be
described.
Strabo 10.1.[2] In its length,
then, the island extends parallel to the coast for a distance
of about
one thousand two hundred stadia from Cenaeum to Geraestus, but
its
breadth is irregular and generally only about one hundred and
fifty
stadia. Now Cenaeum lies opposite to Thermopylae and, to a
slight
extent, to the region outside Thermopylae, whereas Geraestus
and
Petalia lie towards Sunium. Accordingly, the island lies
across the
strait and opposite Attica, Boeotia, Locris,and the Malians.
Because of
its narrowness and of the above-mentioned length, it was named
Macris2
by the ancients. It approaches closest to the mainland at
Chalcis,
where it juts out in a convex curve towards the region of
Aulis in
Boeotia and forms the Euripus. Concerning the Euripus I have
already
spoken rather at length,3
as also to a certain extent concerning the places which lie
opposite
one another across the strait, both on the mainland and on the
island,
on either side of the Euripus, that is, the regions both
inside and
outside4
the Euripus. But if anything has been left out, I shall now
explain
more fully. And first, let me explain that the parts between
Aulis and
the region of Geraestus are called the Hollows of Euboea; for
the coast
bends inwards, but when it approaches Chalcis it forms a
convex curve
again towards the mainland.
Strabo 10.1.[3] The island was
called, not only Macris, but also Abantis; at any rate, the
poet,
although he names Euboea, never names its inhabitants
"Euboeans," but
always "Abantes":“And those who held Euboea, the
courage-breathing
Abantes . . .
”5“And with
him6 followed
the Abantes.
”7 Aristotle8
says that Thracians, setting out from the Phocian Aba,
recolonized the
island and renamed those who held it "Abantes." Others derive
the name
from a hero,9
just as they derive "Euboea" from a heroine.10
But it may be, just as a certain cave on the coast which
fronts the
Aegaean, where Io is said to have given birth to Epaphus,
is called
Böos Aule,11
that the island got the name Euboea12
from the same cause. The island was also called Oche; and the
largest
of its mountains bears the same name. And it was also named
Ellopia,
after Ellops the son of Ion. Some say that he was the brother
of Aïclus
and Cothus; and he is also said to have founded Ellopia, a
place in
Oria, as it is called, in Histiaeotis13
near the mountain Telethrius, and to have added to his
dominions
Histiaea, Perias, Cerinthus, Aedepsus, and Orobia; in this
last place
was an oracle most averse to falsehood (it was an oracle of
Apollo
Selinuntius). The Ellopians migrated to Histiaea and enlarged
the city,
being forced to do so by Philistides the tyrant, after the
battle of
Leuctra. Demosthenes says that Philistides was set up by
Philip as
tyrant of the Oreitae too;14
for thus in later times the Histiaeans were named, and the
city was
named Oreus instead of Histiaea. But according to some
writers,
Histiaea was colonized by Athenians from the deme of the
Histiaeans, as
Eretria was colonized from that of the Eretrians. Theopompus
says that
when Pericles overpowered Euboea the Histiaeans by agreement
migrated
to Macedonia, and that two thousand Athenians who formerly
composed the
deme of the Histiaeans came and took up their abode in Oreus.
Strabo 10.1.[4] Oreus is
situated at the foot of the mountain Telethrius in the Drymus,15
as it is called, on the River Callas, upon a high rock; and
hence,
perhaps, it was because the Ellopians who formerly inhabited
it were
mountaineers that the name Oreus16
was assigned to the city. It is also thought that Orion was so
named
because he was reared there. Some writers say that the Oreitae
had a
city of their own, but because the Ellopians were making war
on them
they migrated and took up their abode with the Histiaeans; and
that,
although they became one city, they used both names, just as
the same
city is called both Lacedaemon and Sparta. As I have already
said,17
Histiaeotis in Thessaly was also named after the Histiaeans
who were
carried off from here into the mainland by the Perrhaebians.
Strabo 10.1.[5] Since Ellopia
induced me to begin my description with Histiaea and Oreus,
let me
speak of the parts which border on these places. In the
territory of
this Oreus lies, not only Cenaeum, near Oreus, but also, near
Cenaeun,
Dium18
and Athenae Diades, the latter founded by the Athenians and
lying above
that part of the strait where passage is taken across to
Cynus; and
Canae in Aeolis was colonized from Dium. Now these places are
in the
neighborhood of Histiaea; and so is Cerinthus, a small city by
the sea;
and near it is the Budorus River, which bears the same name as
the
mountain in Salamis which is close to Attica.
Strabo 10.1.[6] Carystus is at
the foot of the mountain Oche; and near it are Styra and
Marmarium, in
which latter are the quarry of the Carystian columns19
and a temple of Apollo Marmarinus; and from here there is a
passage
across the strait to Halae Araphenides. In Carystus is
produced also
the stone which is combed and woven,20
so that the woven material is made into towels, and, when
these are
soiled, they are thrown into fire and cleansed, just as linens
are
cleansed by washing. These places are said to have been
settled by
colonists from the Marathonian Tetrapolis21
and by Steirians. Styra was destroyed in the Malian war by
Phaedrus,
the general of the Athenians; but the country is held by the
Eretrians.
There is also a Carystus in the Laconian country, a place
belonging to
Aegys, towards Arcadia; whence the Carystian wine of
which Alcman
speaks.
Strabo 10.1.[7] Geraestus
is not named in the Catalogue of Ships, but still the
poet mentions it elsewhere:“and at night they landed at
Geraestus.
”22And
he plainly indicates that the place is conveniently situated
for those
who are sailing across from Asia to Attica, since it comes
near to
Sunium. It has a temple of Poseidon, the most notable of those
in that
part of the world, and also a noteworthy settlement.
Strabo 10.1.[8] After Geraestus
one comes to Eretria, the greatest city in Euboea except
Chalcis; and
then to Chalcis, which in a way is the metropolis of the
island, being
situated on the Euripus itself. Both are said to have been
founded by
the Athenians before the Trojan War. And after the Trojan War,
Aïclus
and Cothus, setting out from Athens, settled inhabitants in
them, the
former in Eretria and the latter in Chalcis. There were also
some
Aeolians from the army of Penthilus23
who remained in the island, and, in ancient times, some
Arabians who
had crossed over with Cadmus. Be this as it may, these cities
grew
exceptionally strong and even sent forth noteworthy colonies
into
Macedonia; for Eretria colonized the cities situated round
Pallene and
Athos, and Chalcis colonized the cities that were subject to
Olynthus,
which later were treated outrageously by Philip. And many
places in
Italy and Sicily are also Chalcidian. These colonies were sent
out, as
Aristotle24
states, when the government of the Hippobatae,25
as it is called, was in power; for at the head of it were men
chosen
according to the value of their property, who ruled in an
aristocratic
manner. At the time of Alexander's passage across,26
the Chalcidians enlarged the circuit of the walls of their
city, taking
inside them both Canethus and the Euripus, and fortifying the
bridge
with towers and gates and a wall.27
Strabo 10.1.[9] Above
the city of the Chalcidians is situated the Lelantine Plain.
In this
plain are fountains of hot water suited to the cure of
diseases, which
were used by Cornelius Sulla, the Roman commander. And in this
plain
was also a remarkable mine which contained copper and iron
together, a
thing which is not reported as occurring elsewhere; now,
however, both
metals have given out, as in the case of the silver mines at
Athens.
The whole of Euboea is much subject to earthquakes, but
particularly
the part near the strait, which is also subject to blasts
through
subterranean passages, as are Boeotia and other places which I
have
already described rather at length.28
And it is said that the city which bore the same name as the
island was
swallowed up by reason of a disturbance of this kind. This
city is also
mentioned by Aeschylus in his Glaucus Pontius:“Euboeïs,
about the bending shore of Zeus Cenaeus, near the very tomb of
wretched Lichas.
”29In
Aetolia, also, there is a place called by the same name
Chalcis:“and Chalcis near the sea, and rocky Calydon,
”30and in
the present Eleian country:“and they went past Cruni and rocky
Chalcis,
”31that is,
Telemachus and his companions, when they were on their way
back from Nestor's to their homeland.
Strabo 10.1.[10] As
for Eretria, some say that it was colonized from Triphylian
Macistus by
Eretrieus, but others say from the Eretria at Athens, which
now is a
marketplace. There is also an Eretria near Pharsalus. In the
Eretrian
territory there was a city Tamynae, sacred to Apollo; and the
temple,
which is near the strait, is said to have been founded by
Admetus, at
whose house the god served as an hireling for a year. In
earlier times
Eretria was called Melaneïs and Arotria. The village
Amarynthus, which
is seven stadia distant from the walls, belongs to this city.
Now the
old city was razed to the ground by the Persians, who "netted"
the
people, as Herodotus32
says, by means of their great numbers, the barbarians being
spread
about the walls (the foundations are still to be seen, and the
place is
called Old Eretria); but the Eretria of today was founded on
it.33
As for the power the Eretrians once had, this is evidenced by
the
pillar which they once set up in the temple of Artemis
Amarynthia. It
was inscribed thereon that they made their festal procession
with three
thousand heavy-armed soldiers, six hundred horsemen, and sixty
chariots. And they ruled over the peoples of Andros, Teos,
Ceos, and
other islands. They received new settlers from Elis; hence,
since they
frequently used the letter r,34
not only at the end of words, but also in the middle, they
have been
ridiculed by comic writers. There is also a village Oechalia
in the
Eretrian territory, the remains of the city which was
destroyed by
Heracles; it bears the same name as the Trachinian Oechalia
and that
near Tricce, and the Arcadian Oechalia, which the people of
later times
called Andania, and that in Aetolia in the neighborhood of the
Eurytanians.
Strabo 10.1.[11] Now at the
present time Chalcis by common consent holds the leading
position and
is called the metropolis of the Euboeans; and Eretria is
second. Yet
even in earlier times these cities were held in great esteem,
not only
in war, but also in peace; indeed, they afforded philosophers
a
pleasant and undisturbed place of abode. This is evidenced by
the
school of the Eretrian philosophers, Menedemus and his
disciples, which
was established in Eretria, and also, still earlier, by the
sojourn of
Aristotle in Chalcis, where he also ended his days.35
Strabo 10.1.[12] Now
in general these cities were in accord with one another, and
when
differences arose concerning the Lelantine Plain they did not
so
completely break off relations as to wage their wars in all
respects
according to the will of each, but they came to an agreement
as to the
conditions under which they were to conduct the fight. This
fact, among
others, is disclosed by a certain pillar in the Amarynthium,
which
forbids the use of long distance missiles. 36
In fact among all the customs of warfare and of the use of
arms there
neither is, nor has been, any single custom; for some use long
distance
missiles, as, for example, bowmen and slingers and
javelin-throwers,
whereas others use close-fighting arms, as, for example, those
who use
sword, or outstretched spear; for the spear is used in two
ways, one in
hand-to-hand combat and the other for hurling like a javelin;
just as
the pike serves both purposes, for it can be used both in
close combat
and as a missile for hurling, which is also true of the
sarissa37
and the hyssus.38
Strabo 10.1.[13] The
Euboeans excelled in "standing" combat, which is also called
"close"
and "hand-to-hand" combat; and they used their spears
outstretched, as
the poet says:“spearmen eager with outstretched ashen spears
to shatter
corselets.
”39Perhaps
the javelins were of a different kind, such as probably was
the "Pelian
ashen spear," which, as the poet says,“Achilles alone knew how
to hurl;
”40and he41 who
said,“And the spear I hurl farther than any other man can
shoot an arrow,
”42means
the javelin-spear. And those who fight in single combat are
first
introduced as using javelin-spears, and then as resorting to
swords.
And close fighters are not those who use the sword alone, but
also the
spear hand-to-hand, as the poet says:“he pierced him with
bronze-tipped
polished spear, and loosed his limbs.
”43Now
he introduces the Euboeans as using this mode of fighting, but
he says
the contrary of the Locrians, that“they cared not for the
tolls of
close combat, . . . but relying on bows and well-twisted
slings of
sheep's wool they followed with him to Ilium.
”44There
is current, also, an oracle which was given out to the people
of
Aegium,“Thessalian horse, Lacedemonian woman, and men who
drink the
water of sacred Arethusa,
”meaning that the Chalcidians are best of all, for Arethusa is
in their territory.
Strabo 10.1.[14] There
are now two rivers in Euboea, the Cereus and the Neleus; and
the sheep
which drink from one of them turn white, and from the other
black. A
similar thing takes place in connection with the Crathis
River, as I
have said before.45
Strabo 10.1.[15] When
the Euboeans were returning from Troy, some of them, after
being driven
out of their course to Illyria, set out for home through
Macedonia, but
remained in the neighborhood of Edessa, after aiding in war
those who
had received them hospitably; and they founded a city Euboe.
There was
also a Euboea in Sicily, which was founded by the Chalcidians
of
Sicily, but they were driven out of it by Gelon; and it became
a
stronghold of the Syracusans. In Corcyra, also, and in Lemnos,
there
were places called Euboea; and in the Argive country a hill of
that
name.
Strabo 10.1.[16] Since the
Aetolians, Acarnanians, and Athamanians (if these too are to
be called
Greeks) live to the west of the Thessalians and the Oetaeans,
it
remains for me to describe these three, in order that I may
complete
the circuit of Greece; I must also add the islands which lie
nearest to
Greece and are inhabited by the Greeks, so far as I have not
already
included them in my description. 2.
Strab.
10.2.1 Now the Aetolians and the Acarnanians
border on one another,
having between them the Acheloüs River, which flows from the
north and
from Pindus on the south through the country of the Agraeans,
an
Aetolian tribe, and through that of the Amphilochians, the
Acarnanians
holding the western side of the river as far as that part of
the
Ambracian Gulf which is near Amphilochi and the temple of the
Actian
Apollo, but the Aetolians the eastern side as far as the
Ozalian
Locrians and Parnassus and the Oetaeans. Above the
Acarnanians, in the
interior and the parts towards the north, are situated the
Amphilochians, and above these the Dolopians and Pindus, and
above the
Aetolians are the Perrhaebians and Athamanians and a part of
the
Aenianians who hold Oeta. The southern side, of Acarnania and
Aetolia
alike, is washed by the sea which forms the Corinthian Gulf,
into which
empties the Acheloüs River, which forms the boundary between
the coast
of the Aetolians and that of Acarnania. In earlier times the
Acheloüs
was called Thoas. The river which flows past Dyme bears the
same name
as this, as I have already said,46 and also the river near
Lamia.47 I
have already stated, also, that the Corinthian Gulf is said to
begin at the mouth of this river.48
Strabo 10.2.[2] As
for cities, those of the Acarnanians are Anactorium, which is
situated
on a peninsula near Actium and is a trading center of the
Nicopolis of
today, which was founded in our times;49
Stratus, where one may sail up the Acheloüs River more than
two hundred
stadia; and Oeneiadae, which is also on the river—the old
city, which
is equidistant from the sea and from Stratus, being
uninhabited,
whereas that of today lies at a distance of about seventy
stadia above
the outlet of the river. There are also other cities,
Palaerus, Alyzia,
Leucas,50
Argos Amphilochicum, and Ambracia, most of which, or rather
all, have
become dependencies of Nicopolis. Stratus is situated about
midway of
the road between Alyzia and Anactorium.51
Strabo 10.2.[3]The
cities of the Aetolians are Calydon and Pleuron, which are now
indeed
reduced, though in early times these settlements were an
ornament to
Greece. Further, Aetolia has come to be divided into two
parts, one
part being called Old Aetolia and the other Aetolia Epictetus.52
The Old Aetolia was the seacoast extending from the Acheloüs
to
Calydon, reaching for a considerable distance into the
interior, which
is fertile and level; here in the interior lie Stratus and
Trichonium,
the latter having excellent soil. Aetolia Epictetus is the
part which
borders on the country of the Locrians in the direction of
Naupactus
and Eupalium, being a rather rugged and sterile country, and
extends to
the Oetaean country and to that of the Athamanians and to the
mountains
and tribes which are situated next beyond these towards the
north.
Strabo 10.2.[4] Aetolia
also has
a very large mountain, Corax, which borders on Oeta; and it
has among
the rest of its mountains, and more in the middle of the
country than
Corax, Aracynthus, near which New Pleuron was founded by the
inhabitants of the Old, who abandoned their city, which had
been
situated near Calydon in a district both fertile and level, at
the time
when Demetrius, surnamed Aetolicus,53
laid waste the country; above Molycreia are Taphiassus and
Chalcis,
rather high mountains, on which were situated the small cities
Macynia
and Chalcis, the latter bearing the same name as the mountain,
though
it is also called Hypochalcis. Near Old Pleuron is the
mountain Curium,
after which, as some have supposed, the Pleuronian Curetes
were named.
Strabo 10.2.[5] The
Evenus River
begins in the territory of those Bomians who live in the
country of the
Ophians, the Ophians being an Aetolian tribe (like the
Eurytanians and
Agraeans and Curetes and others), and flows at first, not
through the
Curetan country, which is the same as the Pleuronian, but
through the
more easterly country, past Chalcis and Calydon; and then,
bending back
towards the plains of Old Pleuron and changing its course to
the west,
it turns towards its outlets and the south. In earlier times
it was
called Lycormas. And there Nessus, it is said, who had been
appointed
ferryman, was killed by Heracles because he tried to violate
Deïaneira
when he was ferrying her across the river.
Strabo 10.2.[6] The poet
also names Olenus and Pylene as Aetolian cities.54
Of these, the former, which bears the same name as the Achaean
city,
was razed to the ground by the Aeolians; it was near New
Pleuron, but
the Acarnanians claimed possession of the territory. The
other, Pylene,
the Aeolians moved to higher ground, and also changed its
name, calling
it Proschium. Hellanicus does not know the history of these
cities
either, but mentions them as though they too were still in
their early
status; and among the early cities he names Macynia and
Molycreia,
which were founded even later than the return of the
Heracleidae,
almost everywhere in his writings displaying a most convenient
carelessness.
Strabo 10.2.[7] Upon the
whole,
then, this is what I have to say concerning the country of the
Acarnanians and the Aetolians, but the following is also to be
added
concerning the seacoast and the islands which lie off it:
Beginning at
the mouth of the Ambracian Gulf the first place which belongs
to the
Acarnanians is Actium. The temple of the Actian Apollo bears
the same
name, as also the cape which forms the mouth of the Gulf and
has a
harbor on the outer side. Anactorium, which is situated on the
gulf, is
forty stadia distant from the temple, whereas Leucas is two
hundred and
forty.
Strabo 10.2.[8] In early
times Leucas was a peninsula of Acarnania, but the poet calls
it "shore of the mainland,"55
using the term "mainland" for the country which is situated
across from
Ithaca and Cephallenia; and this country is Acarnania. And
therefore,
when he says, "shore of the mainland," one should take it to
mean
"shore of Acarnania." And to Leucas also belonged, not only
Nericus,
which Laertes says he took “(verily I took Nericus, well-built
citadel,
shore of the mainland, when I was lord over the
Cephallenians),
”56but also
the cities which Homer names in the Catalogue“(and
dwell in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips).
”57But the
Corinthians sent by Cypselus58
and Gorgus took possession of this shore and also advanced as
far as
the Ambracian Gulf; and both Ambracia and Anactorium were
colonized at
this time; and the Corinthians dug a canal through the isthmus
of the
peninsula and made Leucas an island; and they transferred
Nericus to
the place which, though once an isthmus, is now a strait
spanned by a
bridge, and they changed its name to Leucas, which was named,
as I
think, after Leucatas; for Leucatas is a rock of white 59 color
jutting out from Leucas into the sea and towards Cephallenia
and therefore it took its name from its color.
Strabo 10.2.[9] It
contains the temple of Apollo Leucatas, and also the
"Leap," which was
believed to put an end to the longings of love.“Where Sappho
is said to
have been the first,
”as Menander says,“when through frantic longing she
was chasing the haughty Phaon, to fling herself with a leap
from
the far-seen rock, calling upon thee in prayer, O lord and
master.
”Now
although Menander says that Sappho was the first to take
the leap, yet
those who are better versed than he in antiquities say that it
was
Cephalus, who was in love with Pterelas the son of Deïoneus.
It was an
ancestral custom among the Leucadians, every year at the
sacrifice
performed in honor of Apollo, for some criminal to be flung
from this
rocky look-out for the sake of averting evil, wings and birds
of all
kinds being fastened to him, since by their fluttering they
could
lighten the leap, and also for a number of men, stationed all
round
below the rock in small fishing-boats, to take the victim in,
and, when
he had been taken on board,60
to do all in their power to get him safely outside their
borders. The author of the Alcmaeonis61
says that Icarius, the father of Penelope, had two sons,
Alyzeus and
Leucadius, and that these two reigned over Acarnania with
their father;
accordingly, Ephorus thinks that the cities were named after
these.
Strabo 10.2.[10] But
though at
the present time only the people of the island Cephallenia are
called
Cephallenians, Homer so calls all who were subject to
Odysseus, among
whom are also the Acarnanians. For after saying,“but Odysseus
led the
Cephallenians, who held Ithaca and Neritum with quivering
foliage
”62(Neritum
being the famous mountain on this island, as also when he
says,“and those from Dulichium and the sacred Echinades,
”63Dulichium
itself being one of the Echinades; and“those who dwelt in
Buprasium and Elis,
”64Buprasium
being in Elis; and“those who held Euboea and Chalcis and
Eiretria,
”65meaning
that these cities were in Euboea; and“Trojans and Lycians and
Dardanians,
”66meaning
that the Lycians and Dardanians were Trojans)—however, after
mentioning
"Neritum, he says,“and dwelt in Crocyleia and rugged Aegilips,
and
those who held Zacynthos and those who dwelt about Samos, and
those who
held the mainland and dwelt in the parts over against the
islands.
”67By
"mainland,"68
therefore, he means the parts over against the islands,
wishing to include, along with Leucas, the rest of Acarnania
as well,69
concerning which he also speaks in this way,“twelve herd on
the mainland, and as many flocks of sheep,
”70perhaps
because Epeirotis extended thus far in early times and was
called by
the general name "mainland." But by "Samos" he means the
Cephallenia of
today, as, when he says,“in the strait between Ithaca and
rugged Samos;
”71for
by the epithet he differentiates between the objects bearing
the same
name, thus making the name apply, not to the city, but to the
island.
For the island was a Tetrapolis,72
and one of its four cities was the city called indifferently
either
Samos or Same, bearing the same name as the island. And when
the poet
says,“for all the nobles who hold sway over the islands,
Dulichium and
Same and woody Zacynthos,
”73he is
evidently making an enumeration of the islands and calling
"Same" that island which he had formerly74 called Samos. But
Apollodorus,75
when he says in one passage that ambiguity is removed by the
epithet when the poet says“and rugged Samos,
”76showing
that he meant the island, and then, in another passage, says
that one should copy the reading,“Dulichium and Samos,
”77instead
of "Same," plainly takes the position that the city was called
"Same"
or "Samos" indiscriminately, but the island "Samos" only; for
that the
city was called Same is clear, according to Apollodorus, from
the fact
that, in enumerating the wooers from the several cities, the
poet78
said,“from Same came four and twenty men,
”79and also
from the statement concerning Ktimene,“they then sent her to
Same to wed.
”80But
this is open to argument, for the poet does not express
himself
distinctly concerning either Cephallenia or Ithaca and the
other places
near by; and consequently both the commentators and the
historians are
at variance with one another.
Strabo 10.2.[11] For
instance, when Homer says in regard to Ithaca,“those who held
Ithaca and Neritum with quivering foliage,
”81he
clearly indicates by the epithet that he means the mountain
Neritum;
and in other passages he expressly calls it a mountain;“but I
dwell in
sunny Ithaca, wherein is a mountain, Neritum, with quivering
leaves and
conspicuous from afar.
”82But
whether by Ithaca he means the city or the island, is not
clear, at
least in the following verse,“those who held Ithaca and
Neritum;
”83for
if one takes the word in its proper sense, one would interpret
it as
meaning the city, just as though one should say "Athens and
Lycabettus," or "Rhodes and Atabyris," or "Lacedaemon and
Taÿgetus";
but if he takes it in a poetical sense the opposite is true.
However,
in the words,“but I dwell in sunny Ithaca, wherein is a
mountain,
Neritum,
”84his
meaning is clear, for the mountain is in the island, not in
the city.
But when he says as follows,“we have come from Ithaca below
Neïum,
”85it
is not clear whether he means that Neïum is the same as
Neritum or
different, or whether it is a mountain or place. However, the
critic
who writes Nericum86
instead of Neritum, or the reverse, is utterly mistaken; for
the poet refers to the latter as "quivering with foliage,"87 but to the
former as "well-built citadel,"88 and to the latter as "in
Ithaca,"89
but to the former as "shore of the mainland."90
Strabo 10.2.[12] The
following verse also is thought to disclose a sort of
contradiction:“Now Ithaca itself lies chthamale, panypertate
on the sea;
”91
for chthamale means "low," or "on the ground," whereas
panypertate
means "high up," as Homer indicates in several places when he
calls
Ithaca "rugged."92
And so when he refers to the road that leads from the harbor
as“rugged path up through the wooded place,
”93and when
he says“for not one of the islands which lean upon the sea is
eudeielos94
or rich in meadows, and Ithaca surpasses them all.
”95
Now although Homer's phraseology presents incongruities of
this kind,
yet they are not poorly explained; for, in the first place,
writers do
not interpret chthamale as meaning "low-lying" here, but
"lying near
the mainland," since it is very close to it, and, secondly,
they do not
interpret panypertate as meaning "highest," but "highest
towards the
darkness," that is, farthest removed towards the north beyond
all the
others; for this is what he means by "towards the darkness,"
but the
opposite by "towards the south," as in“but the other islands
lie
aneuthe towards the dawn and the sun,
”96for
the word aneuthe is "at a distance," or "apart," implying that
the
other islands lie towards the south and farther away from the
mainland,
whereas Ithaca lies near the mainland and towards the north.
That Homer
refers in this way to the southerly region is clear also from
these
words,“whether they go to the right, towards the dawn and the
sun, or
yet to the left towards the misty darkness,
”97and
still more clear from these words,“my friends, lo, now we know
not
where is the place of darkness, nor of dawn, nor where the
sun, that
gives light to men, goes beneath the earth; nor where he
rises.
”98For it is
indeed possible to interpret this as meaning the four
"climata,"99
if we interpret "the dawn" as meaning the southerly region
(and this
has some plausibility), but it is better to conceive of the
region
which is along the path of the sun as set opposite to the
northerly
region, for the poetic words are intended to signify a
considerable
change in the celestial phenomena,100
not merely a temporary concealment of the "climata," for
necessarily
concealment ensues every time the sky is clouded, whether by
day or by
night; but the celestial phenomena change to a greater extent
as we
travel farther and farther towards the south or in the
opposite
direction. Yet this travel causes a hiding, not of the western
or
eastern sky, but only of the southern or northern, and in fact
this
hiding takes place when the sky is clear; for the pole is the
most
northerly point of the sky, but since the pole moves and is
sometimes
at our zenith and sometimes below the earth, the arctic
circles also
change with it and in the course of such travels sometimes
vanish with
it,101 so
that you cannot know where the northern "clima" is, or even
where it begins.102
And if this is true, neither can you know the opposite
"clima." The circuit of Ithaca is about eighty stadia.103 So much
for Ithaca.
Strabo 10.2.[13] As
for Cephallenia, which is a Tetrapolis, the poet mentions by
its
present name neither it nor any of its cities except one, Same
or
Samos, which now no longer exists, though traces of it are to
be seen
midway of the passage to Ithaca; and its people are called
Samaeans.
The other three, however, survive even to this day in the
little cities
Paleis, Pronesus, and Cranii. And in our time Gaius Antonius,
the uncle
of Marcus Antonius, founded still another city, when, after
his
consulship, which he held with Cicero the orator, he went into
exile,104
sojourned in Cephallenia, and held the whole island in
subjection as
though it were his private estate. However, before he could
complete
the settlement he obtained permission to return home,105 and
ended his days amid other affairs of greater importance.
Strabo 10.2.[14] Some,
however, have not hesitated to identify Cephallenia with
Dulichium, and
others with Taphos, calling the Cephallenians Taphians, and
likewise
Teleboans, and to say that Amphitryon made an expedition
thither with
Cephalus, the son of Deïoneus, whom, an exile from Athens, he
had taken
along with him, and that when Amphitryon seized the island he
gave it
over to Cephalus, and that the island was named after Cephalus
and the
cities after his children. But this is not in accordance with
Homer;
for the Cephallenians were subject to Odysseus and Laertes,
whereas
Taphos was subject to Mentes:“I declare that I am Mentes the
son of
wise Anchialus, and I am lord over the oar loving Taphians.
”106Taphos
is now called Taphius. Neither is Hellanicus107 in
accord with Homer when he identifies Cephallenia with
Dulichium, for Homer108
makes Dulichium and the remainder of the Echinades subject to
Meges;
and their inhabitants were Epeians, who had come there from
Elis; and
it is on this account that he calls Otus the Cyllenian“comrade
of
Phyleides109
and ruler of the high-hearted Epeians;
”110“but
Odysseus led the high-hearted Cephallenians.
”111According
to Homer, therefore, neither is Cephallenia Dulichium nor is
Dulichium a part of Cephallenia, as Andron112
says; for the Epeians held possession of Dulichium, whereas
the
Cephallenians held possession of the whole of Cephallenia and
were
subject to Odysseus, whereas the Epeians were subject to
Meges. Neither
is Paleis called Dulichium by the poet, as Pherecydes writes.
But that
writer is most in opposition to Homer who identifies
Cephallenia with
Dulichium, if it be true that "fifty-two" of the suitors were
"from
Dulichium" and "twenty-four from Same";113
for in that case would not Homer say that fifty-two came from
the
island as a whole and a half of that number less two from a
single one
of its four cities? However, if one grants this, I shall ask
what Homer
can mean by "Same" in the passage,“Dulichium and Same and
woody
Zacynthos.
”114
Strabo 10.2.[15]
Cephallenia
lies opposite Acarnania, at a distance of about fifty stadia
from
Leucatas (some say forty), and about one hundred and eighty
from
Chelonatas. It has a perimeter of about three hundred115 stadia,
is long, extending towards Eurus, 116
and is mountainous. The largest mountain upon it is Aenus,
whereon is
the temple of Zeus Aenesius; and where the island is narrowest
it forms
an isthmus so low-lying that it is often submerged from sea to
sea.
Both Paleis and Crannii are on the gulf near the narrows.
Strabo 10.2.[16] Between
Ithaca and Cephallenia is the small island Asteria (the poet
calls it Asteris), which the Scepsian117 says no longer remains
such as the poet describes it,“but in it are harbors safe for
anchorage with entrances on either side;
”118Apollodorus,
however,
says that it still remains so to this day, and mentions a town
Alalcomenae upon it, situated on the isthmus itself.
Strabo 10.2.[17] The poet
also
uses the name "Samos" for that Thrace which we now call
Samothrace. And
it is reasonable to suppose that he knows the Ionian Samos,
for he also
appears to know of the Ionian migration; otherwise he would
not have
differentiated between the places of the same name when
referring to
Samothrace, which he designates at one time by the
epithet,“high on the
topmost summit of woody Samos, the Thracian,
”119and at
another time by connecting it with the islands near it,“unto
Samos and Imbros and inhospitable120 Lemnos.
”121And
again,“between Samos and rugged Imbros.
”122He
therefore knew the Ionian island, although he did not name it;
in fact
it was not called by the same name in earlier times, but
Melampylus,
then Anthemis, then Parthenia, from the River Parthenius, the
name of
which was changed to Imbrasus. Since, then, both Cephallenia
and
Samothrace were called Samos at the time of the Trojan War
(for
otherwise Hecabe would not be introduced as saying that he123 was for
selling her children whom he might take captive "unto Samos
and unto Imbros"), 124
and since the Ionian Samos had not yet been colonized, it
plainly got
its name from one of the islands which earlier bore the same
name.
Whence that other fact is also clear, that those writers
contradict
ancient history who say that colonists came from Samos after
the Ionian
migration and the arrival of Tembrion125
and named Samothrace Samos, since this story was fabricated by
the
Samians to enhance the glory of their island. Those writers
are more
plausible who say that the island came upon this name from the
fact
that lofty places are called "samoi,"126“for thence all Ida was
plain to see, and plain to see were the city of Priam and the
ships of the Achaeans
”127
But some say that the island was called Samos after the Saïi,
the
Thracians who inhabited it in earlier times, who also held the
adjacent
mainland, whether these Saïi were the same people as the
Sapaeï or
Sinti (the poet calls them Sinties) or a different tribe. The
Saïi are
mentioned by Archilochus:“One of the Saïi robbed me of my
shield,
which, a blameless weapon, I left behind me beside a bush,
against my
will.
”128
Strabo 10.2.[18] Of
the islands classified as subject to Odysseus, Zacynthos
remains to be
described. It leans slightly more to the west of the
Peloponnesus than
Cephallenia and lies closer to the latter. The circuit of
Zacynthos is
one hundred and sixty stadia.129
It is about sixty stadia distant from Cephallenia. It is
indeed a woody
island, but it is fertile; and its city, which bears the same
name, is
worthy of note. The distance thence to the Libyan Hesperides
is three
thousand three hundred stadia.
Strabo 10.2.[19] To the
east of
Zacynthos and Cephallenia are situated the Echinades Islands,
among
which is Dulichium, now called Dolicha, and also what are
called the
Oxeiae, which the poet called Thoae.130
Dolicha lies opposite Oeneiadae and the outlet of the
Acheloüs, at a
distance of one hundred stadia from Araxus, the promontory of
the
Eleians; the rest of the Echinades (they are several in
number, all
poor soiled and rugged) lie off the outlet of the Acheloüs,
the
farthermost being fifteen stadia distant and the nearest five.
In
earlier times they lay out in the high sea, but the silt
brought down
by the Acheloüs has already joined some of them to the
mainland and
will do the same to others. It was this silt which in early
times
caused the country called Paracheloïtis,131
which the river overflows, to be a subject of dispute, since
it was
always confusing the designated boundaries between the
Acarnanians and
the Aetolians; for they would decide the dispute by arms,
since they
had no arbitrators, and the more powerful of the two would win
the
victory; and this is the cause of the fabrication of a certain
myth,
telling how Heracles defeated Acheloüs and, as the prize of
his
victory, won the hand of Deïaneira, the daughter of Oeneus,
whom
Sophocles represents as speaking as follows:“For my suitor was
a
river-god, I mean Acheloüs, who would demand me of my father
in three
shapes, coming now as a bull in bodily form, now as a gleaming
serpent
in coils, now with trunk of man and front of ox.
”132133 Some
writers add to the myth, saying that this was the horn of
Amaltheia,134
which Heracles broke off from Acheloüs and gave to Oeneus as a
wedding
gift. Others, conjecturing the truth from the myths, say that
the
Acheloüs, like the other rivers, was called "like a bull" from
the
roaring of its waters, and also from the the bendings of its
streams,
which were called Horns, and "like a serpent" because of its
length and
windings, and "with front of ox"135
for the same reason that he was called "bull-faced"; and that
Heracles,
who in general was inclined to deeds of kindness, but
especially for
Oeneus, since he was to ally himself with him by marriage,
regulated
the irregular flow of the river by means of embankments and
channels,
and thus rendered a considerable part of Paracheloïtis dry,
all to
please Oeneus; and that this was the horn of Amaltheia.136
Now, as for the Echinades, or the Oxeiae, Homer says that they
were
ruled over in the time of the Trojan War by Meges,“who was
begotten by
the knightly Phyleus, dear to Zeus, who once changed his abode
to
Dulichium because he was wroth with his father.
”137His
father was Augeas, the ruler of the Eleian country and the
Epeians; and
therefore the Epeians who set out for Dulichium with Phyleus
held these
islands.
Strabo 10.2.[20] The
islands of
the Taphians, or, in earlier times, of the Teleboans, among
which was
Taphos,. now called Taphius, were distinct from the Echinades;
not in
the matter of distances (for they lie near them), but in that
they are
classified as under different commanders, Taphians and
Teleboans.138
Now in earlier times Amphitryon made an expedition against
them with
Cephalus the son of Deïoneus, an exile from Athens, and gave
over their
government to him, but the poet says that they were marshalled
under
Mentes,139
calling them pirates,140
as indeed all the Teleboans are said to be pirates. So much,
then, for the islands lying off Acarnania.
Strabo 10.2.[21] Between
Leucas and the Ambracian Gulf is a salt lake, called
Myrtuntium. Next
after Leucas one comes to Palaerus and Alyzia, cities of
Acarnania; of
these, Alyzia is fifteen stadia distant from the sea, where is
a harbor
sacred to Heracles and a sacred precinct. It is from this
precinct that
one of the commanders carried to Rome the "Labours of
Heracles," works
of Lysippus, which were lying out of place where they were,
because it
was a deserted region. Then one comes to Cape Crithote, and
the
Echinades, and the city Astacus, which bears the same name as
the city
near Nicomedeia and Gulf Astacenus,141
the name being used in the feminine gender. Crithote also
bears the
same name as one of the little cities in the Thracian
Chersonesus.142
All parts of the coast between these places have good harbors.
Then one
comes to Oeniadae and the Acheloüs; then to a lake of the
Oeniadae,
called Melite, which is thirty stadia in length and twenty in
breadth;
and to another lake, Cynia, which is twice the size of Melite,
both in
length and in breadth; and to a third, Uria, which is much
smaller than
those. Now Cynia empties into the sea, but the others lie
about half a
stadium above it. Then one comes to the Evenus, to which the
distance
from Actium is six hundred and seventy stadia. After the
Evenus one
comes to the mountain Chalcis, which Artemidorus has called
Chalcia;
then to Pleuron; then to the village Halicyrna, above which
thirty
stadia in the interior, lies Calydon; and near Calydon is the
temple of
the Laphrian Apollo. Then one comes to the mountain
Taphiassus; then to
the city Macynia; then to Molycreia and, near by, to
Antirrhium, the
boundary between Aetolia and Locris, to which the distance
from the
Evenus is about one hundred and twenty stadia. Artemidorus,
indeed,
does not give this account of the mountain, whether we call it
Chalcis
or Chalcia, since he places it between the Acheloüs and
Pleuron, but
Apollodorus, as I have said before,143
places both Chalcis and Taphiassus above Molycreia, and he
also says
that Calydon is situated between Pleuron and Chalcis. Perhaps,
however,
we should postulate two mountains, one near Pleuron called
Chalcis, and
the other near Molycreia called Chalcis. Near Calydon, also,
is a lake,
which is large and well supplied with fish; it is held by the
Romans
who live in Patrae.
Strabo 10.2.[22]
Apollodorus says
that in the interior of Acarnania there is a people called
Erysichaeans, who are mentioned by Alcman:“nor yet an
Erysichaean nor
shepherd, but from the heights of Sardeis.
”144
But Olenus, which Homer mentions in the Aetolian catalogue,
was in
Aetolia, though only traces of it are left, near Pleuron at
the foot of
Aracynthus. Near it, also, was Lysimachia; this, too, has
disappeared;
it was situated by the lake now called Lysimachia, in earlier
times
Hydra, between Pleuron and the city Arsinoe. In earlier times
Arsinoe
was only a village, and was called Conopa, but it was first
founded as
a city by Arsinoe, who was both wife and sister of Ptolemy the
Second;145
it was rather happily situated at the ford across the
Acheloüs. Pylene146
has also suffered a fate similar to that of Olenus. When the
poet calls Calydon both "steep"147 and "rocky,"148 one
should interpret him as referring to the country; for, as I
have said,149
they divided the country into two parts and assigned the
mountainous part, or Epictetus,150 to Calydon and the level
country to Pleuron.
Strabo 10.2.[23] At
the present time both the Acarnanians and the Aetolians, like
many of
the other tribes, have been exhausted and reduced to impotence
by their
continual wars. However, for a very long time the Aetolians,
together
with the Acarnanians, stood firm, not only against the
Macedonians and
the other Greeks, but also finally against the Romans, when
fighting
for autonomy. But since they are often mentioned by Homer, as
also both
by the other poets and by historians, sometimes in words that
are easy
to interpret and about which there is no disagreement, and
sometimes in
words that are less intelligible (this has been shown in what
I have
already said about them), I should also add some of those
older
accounts which afford us a basis of fact to begin with, or are
matters
of doubt.
Strabo 10.2.[24] For
instance, in the case of Acarnania, Laertes and the
Cephallenians acquired possession of it, as I have said;151
but as to what people held it before that time, many writers
have
indeed given an opinion, but since they do not agree in their
statements, which have, however, a wide currency, there is
left for me
a word of arbitration concerning them. They say that the
people who
were called both Taphians and Teleboans lived in Acarnania in
earlier
times, and that their leader Cephalus, who had been set up by
Amphitryon as master over the islands about Taphos, gained the
mastery
over this country too. And from this fact they go on to add
the myth
that Cephalus was the first to take the leap from Leucatas
which became
the custom, as I have said before.152
But the poet does not say that the Taphians were ruling the
Acarnanians
before the Cephallenians and Laertes came over, but only that
they were
friends to the Ithacans, and therefore, according to the poet,
they
either had not ruled over the region at all, or had yielded
Acarnania
to the Ithacans voluntarily, or had become joint occupants
with them.
It appears that also a colony from Lacedaemon settled in
Acarnania, I
mean Icarius, father of Penelope, and his followers; for in
the Odyssey
the poet represents both Icarius and the brothers of Penelope
as
living:“who153
shrink from going to the house of her father, Icarius, that he
himself may exact the bride-gifts for his daughter,
”154and,
concerning her brothers,“for already her father and her
brothers bid her marry Eurymachus;
”155for,
in the first place, it is improbable that they were living in
Lacedaemon, since in that case Telemachus would not have
lodged at the
home of Menelaüs when he went to Lacedaemon, and, secondly, we
have no
tradition of their having lived elsewhere. But they say that
Tyndareus
and his brother Icarius, after being banished by Hippocoön
from their
homeland, went to Thestius, the ruler of the Pleuronians, and
helped
him to acquire possession of much of the country on the far
side of the
Acheloüs on condition that they should receive a share of it;
that
Tyndareus, however, went back home, having married Leda, the
daughter
of Thestius, whereas Icarius stayed on, keeping a portion of
Acarnania,
and by Polycaste, the daughter of Lygaeus, begot both Penelope
and her
brothers. Now I have already set forth that the Acarnanians
were
enumerated in the Catalogue of Ships,156 that
they took part in the expedition to Ilium, and that among
these were named "those who lived on the 'shore,'"157 and
also“those who held the mainland and dwelt in parts opposite.
”158 But
as yet neither had the mainland been named "Acarnania" nor the
shore "Leucas."
Strabo 10.2.[25] Ephorus
denies that they joined the Trojan expedition, for he says
that
Alcmaeon, the son of Amphiaraüs, made an expedition with
Diomedes and
the other Epigoni, and had brought to a successful issue the
war
against the Thebans, and then joined Diomedes and with him
took
vengeance upon the enemies of Oeneus, after which he himself,
first
giving over Aetolia to them,159
passed into Acarnania and subdued it; and meanwhile Agamemnon
attacked
the Argives and easily prevailed over them, since the most of
them had
accompanied the army of Diomedes; but a little later, when the
expedition against Troy confronted him, he conceived the fear
that,
when he was absent on the expedition, Diomedes and his army
might come
back home (and in fact it was reported that a great army had
gathered
round him) and seize the empire to which they had the best
right, for
one160 was
the heir of Adrastus and the other161 of his father;162
and accordingly, after thinking this all over, Agamemnon
invited them
both to resume possession of Argos and to take part in the
war; and
although Diomedes was persuaded to take part in the
expedition,
Alcmaeon was vexed and refused to heed the invitation; and for
this
reason the Acarnanians alone refused to share in the
expedition with
the Greeks. And it was probably by following this account that
the
Acarnanians tricked the Romans, as they are said to have done,
and
obtained from them their autonomy, urging that they alone had
had no
part in the expedition against the ancestors of the Romans,
for they
were named neither in the Aetolian catalogue163 nor
separately, and in fact their name was not mentioned in the
Epic poems at all.
Strabo 10.2.[26] Ephorus,
then, makes Acarnania subject to Alcmaeon even before the
Trojan War;
and he not only declares that the Amphilochian Argos was
founded by
him, but also says that Acarnania was named after Alcmaeon's
son
Acarnan, and the Amphilochians after Alcmaeon's brother
Amphilochus;
therefore his account is to be cast out amongst those contrary
to
Homeric history. But Thucydides164
and others say that Amphilochus, on his return from the Trojan
expedition, was displeased with the state of affairs at Argos,
and took
up his abode in this country, some saying that he came by
right of
succession to the domain of his brother, others giving a
different
account. So much may be said of the Acarnanians specifically;
I shall
now speak of their history in a general way, in so far as
their history
is interwoven with that of the Aetolians, in so far as I have
thought
best to add to my previous narrative. 3.
Strab. 10.3.1
As for the Curetes, some assign them to the
Acarnanians, others to the Aetolians; and some assert that
they
originated in Crete, but others in Euboea; but since Homer
mentions
them, I should first investigate his account. It is thought
that he
means that they were Aetolians rather than Acarnanians, if
indeed the
sons of Porthaon were“Agrius and Melas, and, the third, Oeneus
the
knight;
and they lived in Pleuron and steep Calydon.
”165These
are both Aetolian cities, and are referred to in the Aetolian
catalogue; and therefore, since, even according to the poet,
the
Curetes obviously lived in Pleuron, they would be Aetolians.
Those
writers who oppose this view are misled by Homer's mode of
expression
when he says,“the Curetes were fighting, and the Aetolians
steadfast in
battle, about the city of Calydon;
”166for,
they add, neither would he have spoken appropriately if he had
said,
"the Boeotians and the Thebans were fighting against one
another"; or
"the Argives and the Peloponnesians." But, as I have shown
heretofore,167
this habit of expression not only is Homeric, but is much used
by the
other poets also. This interpretation, then, is easy to
defend; but let
those writers explain how the poet could catalogue the
Pleuronians
among the Aetolians if they were not Aetolians or at least of
the same
race.
Strab.
10.3.2 Ephorus,168
after saying that the Aetolians were a race which had never
become
subject to any other people, but throughout all time of which
there is
any record had remained undevastated, both because of the
ruggedness of
their country and because of their training in warfare, says
at the
outset that the Curetes held possession of the whole country,
but when
Aetolus,169
the son of Endymion, arrived from Elis and overpowered them in
war, the
Curetes withdrew to what is now called Acarnania, whereas the
Aetolians
came back with Epeians and founded the earliest of the cities
of
Aetolia, and in the tenth generation after that Elis was
settled by
Oxylus170
the son of Haemon, who had crossed over from Aetolia. And he
cites as
evidence of all this two inscriptions, the one at Therma in
Aetolia
(where it is their ancestral custom to hold their elections of
magistrates), engraved on the base of the statue of
Aetolus:“Founder of
the country, once reared beside the eddies of the Alpheius,
neighbor of
the race-courses of Olympia, son of Endymion, this Aetolus has
been set
up by the Aetolians as a memorial of his valor to behold;
” and the
other inscription in the marketplace of the Eleians on the
statue of
Oxylus:“Aetolus once left this autochthonous people, and
through many a
toil with the spear took possession of the land of Curetis;
but the
tenth scion of the same stock, Oxylus, the son of Haemon,
founded this
city in early times.”
Strab. 10.3.3
Now
through these inscriptions Ephorus correctly signifies the
kinship of
the Eleians and Aetolians with one another, since both
inscriptions
agree, not merely as to the kinship of the two peoples, but
also that
each people was the founder of the other, through which he
successfully
convicts of falsehood those who assert that, while the Eleians
were
indeed colonists of the Aetolians, the Aetolians were not
colonists of
the Eleians. But here, too, Ephorus manifestly displays the
same
inconsistency in his writing and his pronouncements as in the
case of
the oracle at Delphi, which I have already set forth;171
for, after saying that Aetolia has been undevastated
throughout all
times of which there is any record, and after saying also that
in the
beginning the Curetes held possession of this country, he
should have
added as a corollary to what he had already said that the
Curetes
continued to hold possession of the Aetolian land down to his
own time,
for only thus could it have been rightly said that the land
had been
undevastated and that it had never come under the power of
others; and
yet, utterly forgetting his promise,172
he does not add this, but the contrary, that when Aetolus
arrived from
Elis and overpowered the Curetes in war, they withdrew into
Acarnania.
What else, pray, is specifically characteristic of a
devastation than
being overpowered in war and abandoning the country? And this
is
evidenced also by the inscription among the Eleians, for
Aetolus, it
says,“through many a toil with the spear took possession of
the land of
Curetis.”
Strab.
10.3.4 Perhaps,
however, one might say that Ephorus means that Aetolia was
undevastated
from the time when it got this name, that is, after Aetolus
arrived
there; but Ephorus has deprived himself of the argument in
support of
this idea by saying in his next words that this, meaning the
tribe of
the Epeians, constituted the greatest part of the people who
stayed on
among the Aetolians, but that later, when Aeolians, who at the
same
time with Boeotians had been compelled to migrate from
Thessaly, were
intermingled with them, they in common with these held
possession of
the country. Is it credible, pray, that without war they
invaded the
country of a different people and divided it up with its
possessors,
when the latter had no need of such a partnership? Or, since
this is
not credible, is it credible that those who were overpowered
by arms
came out on an equality with the victors? What else, pray, is
devastation than being overpowered by arms? Apollodorus, also,
says
that, according to history, the Hyantes left Boeotia and
settled among
the Aetolians. But Ephorus, as though he had achieved success
in his
argument, adds: "It is my wont to examine such matters as
these with
precision, whenever any matter is either altogether doubtful
or falsely
interpreted."
Strab.
10.3.5 But though Ephorus is such, still he is
better than others. And Polybius173 himself, who praises him
so earnestly, and says concerning the Greek histories that
Eudoxus174
indeed gave a good account, but Ephorus gave the best account
of the
foundings of cities, kinships, migrations, and original
founders, "but
I," he says, “shall show the facts as they now are, as regards
both the
position of places and the distances between them; for this is
the most
appropriate function of Chorography.”175But assuredly you,
Polybius, who introduce "popular notions"176
concerning distances, not only in dealing with places outside
of
Greece, but also when treating Greece itself, must also submit
to an
accounting, not only to Poseidonius,177
and to Apollodorus, but to several others as well. One should
therefore
pardon me as well, and not be vexed, if I make any mistakes
when I
borrow from such writers most of my historical material, but
should
rather be content if in the majority of cases I improve upon
the
accounts given by others, or if I add such facts as have
elsewhere,
owing to lack of knowledge, been left untold.
Strab.
10.3.6 Concerning the
Curetes still further accounts, to the following effect, are
given,
some of them being more closely related to the history of the
Aetolians
and the Acarnanians, others more remotely. More closely
related are
such accounts as I have given before—that the Curetes were
living in
the country which is now called Aetolia, and that the
Aetolians came
with Aetolus and drove them into Acarnania; and also accounts
of this
kind, that, when Pleuronia was inhabited by the Curetes and
was called
Curetis, Aeolians made an invasion and took it away from them,
and
drove out its occupants. Archemachus the Euboean178
says that the Curetes settled at Chalcis, but since they were
continually at war for the Lelantine Plain and the enemy would
catch
them by the front hair and drag them down, he says, they let
their hair
grow long behind but cut short the part in front, and because
of this
they were called "Curetes," from the cut of their hair,179
and they then migrated to Aetolia, and, after taking
possession of the
region round Pleuron, called the people who lived on the far
side of
the Acheloüs "Acarnanians," because they kept their heads
"unshorn."180
But some say that each of the two tribes got its name from a
hero;
others, that the Curetes were named after the mountain Curium,
which is
situated about Pleuron, and also that this is an Aetolian
tribe, like
the Ophians and the Agraeans and the Eurytanians and several
others.
But, as I have already stated,181
when Aetolia was divided into two parts, the region round
Calydon, they
say, was in the possession of Oeneus, whereas a certain part
of
Pleuronia was in the possession of the sons of Porthaon, that
is,
Agrius and his followers, if it be true that“they lived in
Pleuron and
steep Calydon;
”182the
mastery over Pleuronia, however, was held by Thestius (the
father-in-law of Oeneus and father of Althaea), who was leader
of the
Curetes; but when war broke out between the sons of Thestius,
on the
one hand, and Oeneus and Meleager, on the other (“about the
hog's head
and skin,
”183as the
poet says, following the mythical story of the boar,184
but in all probability about the possession of a part of the
territory), according to the words of the poet,“the Curetes
were
fighting, as also the Aetolians steadfast in battle.
”185So
much for the accounts which are more closely related.
Strab. 10.3.7 The
accounts which are more remotely related, however, to the
present
subject, but are wrongly, on account of the identity of the
names,
brought into the same connection by the historians—I mean
those
accounts which, although they are called "Curetan History" and
"History
of the Curetes," just as if they were the history of those
Curetes who
lived in Aetolia and Acarnania, not only are different from
that
history, but are more like the accounts of the Satyri, Sileni,
Bacchae,
and Tityri; for the Curetes, like these,
are called genii or
ministers
of gods by those who have handed down to us
the Cretan and the
Phrygian
traditions,
which are interwoven
with certain sacred rites,
some
mystical, the others connected in part with the rearing of the
child
Zeus186
in Crete and in part
with the orgies in honor of the mother of the gods
which are celebrated in
Phrygia and in the region of the Trojan Ida.
But the variation in these accounts is so small that, whereas
some
represent the Corybantes, the Cabeiri, the
Idaean Dactyli, and the
Telchines as identical with the Curetes, others represent them
as all
kinsmen of one another and differentiate only certain small
matters in
which they differ in respect to one another;
but, roughly speaking
and
in general, they represent them, one and all,
as a kind of inspired
people and as subject to Bacchic frenzy,
and, in the guise of
ministers, as inspiring terror at the celebration of
the sacred rites
by means of war-dances,
accompanied by uproar and noise and cymbals and
drums and arms,
and also by flute and
outcry;
and
consequently these
rites are in a way regarded as having a common relationship, I
mean
these and those of the Samothracians and those in Lemnos and
in several
other places, because the divine ministers are called the
same.
However, every investigation of this kind pertains to
theology, and is
not foreign to the speculation of the philosopher.
Strab.
10.3.8 But since also
the historians, because of the identity of name of the
Curetes,
have
classed together things that are unlike,
neither should I myself
shrink
from discussing them at greater length, by way of digression,
adding
such account of their physical habits as is appropriate to
history.
And
yet some historians even wish to assimilate their physical
habits with
those others, and perhaps there is something plausible in
their
undertaking.
For instance, they say that the Curetes of Aetolia got
this name because, like "girls,"187
they wore women's clothes, for, they add, there was a
fashion of this
kind among the Greeks, and the Ionians were called
"tunic-trailing,"188
and the soldiers of Leonidas were "dressing their hair"189
when they were to go forth to battle,
so that the Persians, it
is said,
conceived a contempt for them,
though in the battle
they marvelled at
them.
Speaking generally, the art of caring for the hair consists
both
in its nurture and in the way it is cut, and both are given
special
attention by "girls" and "youths";190
so that there are several ways in which it is easy to derive
an
etymology of the word "Curetes." It is reasonable to suppose,
also,
that the war-dance was first introduced by persons who were
trained in
this particular way in the matter of hair and dress, these
being called
Curetes, and that this dance afforded a pretext to those also
who were
more warlike than the rest and spent their life under arms, so
that
they too came to be called by the same name, "Curetes "—I mean
the
Curetes in Euboea, Aetolia, and Acarnania. And indeed Homer
applied
this name to young soldiers,“choose thou the noblest young men191 from
all the Achaeans, and bring the gifts from the swift ship, all
that we promised yesterday to Achilles";
”192and
again,“the young men of the Achaeans brought the gifts.
”193
So much for the etymology of the word "Curetes." The war-dance
was a
soldiers' dance; and this is plainly indicated both by the
"Pyrrhic
dance,"194
and by "Pyrrichus," who is said to be the founder of this kind
of
training for young men, as also by the treatises on military
affairs.195
Strabo 10.3.[9] But
I must now investigate how it comes about that so many names
have been
used of one and the same thing, and the theological element
contained
in their history.
Now this is common both
to the Greeks and to the
barbarians,
to perform their sacred
rites in connection with the
relaxation of a festival,
these rites being
performed
sometimes with
religious frenzy, sometimes without it;
sometimes with music, sometimes
not;
and
sometimes in secret, sometimes openly.
And it is in accordance
with the dictates of nature that this should be so, for, in
the first
place, the relaxation draws the mind away from human
occupations and
turns the real mind towards that which is divine; and,
secondly, the
religious frenzy seems to afford a kind of divine inspiration
and to be
very like that of the soothsayer; and, thirdly, the secrecy
with which
the sacred rites are concealed induces reverence for the
divine, since
it imitates the nature of the divine, which is to avoid being
perceived
by our human senses;
and,
fourthly, music, which includes dancing as
well as rhythm and melody, at the same time,
by
the delight it affords
and by its artistic beauty,
brings us in touch with the divine, and
this for the following reason;
for although it has been well said that
human beings then act most like the gods
when they are doing good
to
others,
yet
one might
better say, when they are happy;
and
such
happiness consists of rejoicing, celebrating festivals,
pursuing philosophy,
and engaging in music;
for, if music is perverted when
musicians turn their art to sensual delights at symposiums
and in orchestric and scenic performances
and the like, we should not lay the
blame upon music itself, but should rather examine the nature
of our
system of education, since this is based on music.
Strabo 10.3.[10] And on
this account Plato, and even before his time the Pythagoreians,
called philosophy music;196
and they say that the universe is constituted in accordance
with harmony,197
assuming that every form
of music is the work of the gods.
And in this
sense, also, the Muses are goddesses,
and Apollo is leader
of the
Muses,
and poetry as a whole is
laudatory of the gods.
And by the same
course of reasoning they also attribute to music the
upbuilding of
morals, believing that everything which tends to correct
the mind is close to the gods. Now most of the Greeks
assigned to Dionysus, Apollo,
Hecate, the Muses, and above all to Demeter,
everything of an orgiastic
or Bacchic or choral nature, as well as the mystic
element in
initiations; and they give the name "Iacchus" not only
to Dionysus but
also to the leader-in-chief of the mysteries, who is the
genius of
Demeter.
And branch-bearing, choral dancing, and initiations
are common
elements in the worship of these gods.
As for the Muses and
Apollo,
the Muses preside
over the choruses,
whereas Apollo presides
both over
these and the rites of divination.
But all educated men, and especially
the musicians, are ministers of the Muses;
and both these and those
who
have to do with divination are ministers of
Apollon;
and the initiated
and torch-bearers and hierophants, of Demeter; and the
Sileni and Satyri and Bacchae,
and also the Lenae and
Thyiae and Mimallones and
Naïdes and Nymphae and the beings called Tityri,
of Dionysus.
Strabo 10.3.[11] In
Crete, not
only these rites, but in particular those sacred to Zeus,
were
performed along with orgiastic worship and with the
kind of ministers
who were in the service
of Dionysus, I mean the Satyri.
These ministers
they called "Curetes," young men who executed
movements in armour,
accompanied by dancing, as they set forth the mythical
story of the
birth of Zeus; in this they introduced Cronus as
accustomed to swallow
his children immediately after their birth, and Rhea as trying
to keep
her travail secret and, when the child was born, to get it out
of the
way and save its life by every means in her power; and to
accomplish
this it is said that she took as helpers the Curetes,
who, by
surrounding the goddess with tambourines and similar noisy
instruments
and with war-dance
and uproar, were supposed to strike terror
into
Cronus and without his knowledge
to steal his child away; and that,
according to tradition, Zeus was actually reared by them with
the same
diligence; consequently the Curetes, either because,
being young, that
is "youths,"198
they performed this service, or because they "reared" Zeus "in
his youth"199
(for both explanations are given), were accorded this
appellation, as
if they were Satyrs, so to speak, in the service of
Zeus. Such, then,
were the Greeks in the matter of orgiastic worship.
Strabo 10.3.[12] But as
for the Berecyntes,200
a tribe of Phrygians, and the Phrygians in general, and those
of the
Trojans who live round Ida, they too hold Rhea in
honor and worship her
with orgies, calling her Mother of the gods
1Tim. 2:5 For there is one
God, and one mediator between God and men, the man Christ
Jesus;
1Tim. 2:6 Who gave himself a ransom for all, to be testified
in due time.
1Tim. 2:7 Whereunto I am ordained a preacher, and an
apostle, (I speak the truth in Christ, and lie not;) a
teacher of the Gentiles in faith and verity.
1Tim. 2:8 I will therefore that men pray every where,
lifting up holy hands, without wrath and doubting.
1Tim. 2:9 ¶ In like manner also, that women adorn themselves
in modest apparel, with shamefacedness and sobriety; not
with broided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly array;
1Tim. 2:10 But (which becometh women professing godliness)
with good works.
1Tim. 2:11 Let the woman learn in silence with all
subjection.
1Tim. 2:12 But I suffer not a woman to teach, nor to usurp
authority over the man, but to be in silence.
1Tim. 2:13 For Adam was first formed, then Eve.
1Tim. 2:14 And Adam was not deceived, but the woman being
deceived was in the transgression.
and Agdistis and Phrygia
the Great Goddess, and also, from the places where she
is worshipped,
Idaea and Dindymene and Sipylene and Pessinuntis and Cybele
and Cybebe.201
The Greeks use the same
name "Curetes" for the ministers of the
goddess,
not taking the name,
however, from the same mythical story,202
but regarding them as a
different set of "Curetes," helpers as it were,
analogous to the Satyri;
and the same they also call Corybantes.
CatullusMu.html
The especial worship of Cybele was
conducted by emasculated
priests called Galli (or,
as in vv. 12 and 34, with reference to their physical
condition, Gallæ).
heir name was derived by the
ancients from that of the river Gallus, a
tributary of the Sangarius,
by drinking
from which men became inspired with frenzy (cf.
Ov. Fast. 4.361ff.).
The worship was orgiastic in the extreme,
and was accompanied by the sound of such frenzy-producing instruments as the tympana, cymbala, tibiæ, and cornu, and culminated in scourging, self-mutilation,
syncope from excitement. and even death from hemorrhage or
heart-failure
-Cymbalum ,'I.gen. plur.
cymbalum, Cat. 63, 21),
= kumbalon,
a cymbal.I. Prop., an instrument
consisting of two hollow plates of brass, which emit a
ringing sound when struck together. They were used
in the festivals of Cybele and Bacchus, and on other
festive occasions; also to hinder the flight of bees, etc.
(usu. in plur.), Lucr. 2, 619;
Cat. 63, 21;
63, 29;
Ov. F. 4, 213;
Verg. G. 4, 64;
Liv. 39, 8;
Cic. Pis. 9, 20 sq.;
Plin. 5, 1, 1, § 7;
Quint. 11, 3, 59;
Plin. Ep. 2, 14, 13.—
tympănum
A. Esp., as beaten
by the priests of Cybele,
Lucr. 2, 618;
Cat. 63, 8 sq.;
Verg. A. 9, 619;
Ov. M. 3, 537;
4, 29;
4,
391;
id. F. 4, 213;
Plaut. Poen. 5, 5, 38;
Caes. B. C. 3,
105;
Curt. 8, 11, 20;
8, 14, 10;
Tac. H. 5, 5,
—Also by the Bacchantine females,
Ov. M. 11, 17.—Beaten
by the Parthians as a signal in battle in place of the
tuba,
Just. 41, 2, 8.—
B. Trop.,
a
timbrel, etc., as a figure of something
effeminate,
enervating: “
tympana
eloquentiae,”
Quint. 5, 12, 21:
“
in
manu
tympanum
est,”
Sen. Vit. Beat. 13, 3.—
Gallus
, i, m., =
Gallos
Strab.,
A. Galli
, ōrum, m.,
the priests of Cybele,
so called
because of their raving,
Ov. F. 4, 361 sq.;
Plin. 5, 32, 42, §
146;
11, 49, 109, § 261;
35, 12, 46, § 165;
Paul. ex
Fest. p. 95
Müll.;
Hor. S. 1, 2, 121.—In
sing.:
Gallus
, i, m.,
a priest of Cybele,
Mart. 3, 81;
11, 74;
cf.
Quint. 7, 9, 2:
“
resupinati
cessantia
tympana
Galli,”
Juv. 8, 176.—And
satirically (on account of their emasculated condition),
in the
fem.:
Gallae
, ārum,
Cat. 63, 12,
and 34.—
2. (Acc. to II.
A., of or belonging to the priests of Cybele; hence,
transf.)
Of or
belonging to the priests of
Isis,
Gallic: “
turma,”
the troop of the priests of Isis,
Ov. Am. 2, 13, 18.
singular GALLUS,
priests, often temple attendants or wandering mendicants, of the ancient
Asiatic deity, the Great Mother of the Gods, known as Cybele, or Agdistis, in Greek and Latin
literature. The galli were eunuchs attired in female garb, with long hair fragrant with
ointment.
Together with
priestesses, they celebrated the Great MOTHER'S rites with wild music and dancing until their
frenzied excitement found its culmination in
self-scourging, self-laceration, or exhaustion.
Self-emasculation by candidates for the priesthood
sometimes accompanied this delirium of worship.
The name galli may be
Phrygian, from the two streams called Gallus, both
tributaries of the Sangarius (now Sakarya) River, the
waters of which were said to inspire religious frenzy.
Does not the very
nature of things teach you that if a man has long hair, it is a disgrace to
him, 1 Co.11:14
but that if a
woman has long hair, it is her glory? For long hair
is given to her as a covering. 1 Cor 11:15
"Hebrew music... was
used in the luxurious times of the later monarchy the
effeminate gallants of israel, reeking with perfumes, and stretched upon
their couches of ivory, were wont at their banquets to
accompany
the song with the tinkling of the
psaltery or guitar (Am. v1. 4-6), and amused themselves
with devising musical instruments while their nation
was perishing... music was the legitimate expression
of mirth and gladness, and the indication of peace and
prosperity." (Smith's, Music, p. 590).
"That chant to the voice of the lyre, accompanying the voice of
the lyre with the human voice, giving vocal expression
and utterance to what the instrumental music spoke
without words. The word, which Amos alone uses in this
one place, describing probably 'a hurried flow of
unmeaning, unconsidered words, in which the rhythm of
words and music was everything, the sense, nothing; much
like most glees. The E.M. 'quaver' has also some foundation in the root,
but does not suit the idiom so well, which expresses
that the act was something done to the voice of the
lyre, accompanying the music, not altering the music
itself." (Barnes, Albert, Amos, p. 303).
"And every improper
sight and sound, to speak in a word, and every
shameful sensation of licentiousness--which, in truth,
is privation of sensation--must by all means be
excluded; and we must be on our guard against whatever
pleasure titillates eye and ear, and effeminates. For
the various spells of the broken strains and plaintive
numbers of the Carian muse corrupt men's morals,
drawing to pertubation of mind, by the licentious and
mischievous art of music." (Clement of Alexandria,
Instructor, Eerdmans, p. 248)
The early connection of Attis with
the Mother
of the Gods seems to point
to the association of an original
male element with
an original female element as
the parents of all things.
But in the age of tradition Attis appears as a servant
instead of an equal,
and the subordination of the male
to the female element is further emphasized by the representation
of Attis,
like the Galli of
historic times, as an emasculated priest.
Strabo 10.3.[13] The
poets bear
witness to such views as I have suggested.
For instance, when
Pindar,
in the dithyramb which begins with these words,
“In earlier times there
marched203
the lay of the dithyrambs long drawn out,
”mentions
the hymns sung in honor of Dionysus,
both
the ancient and the later
ones,
and
then, passing on from these, says,“
To perform the prelude in
thy honor, great MOTHER, the
whirling of cymbals is at hand,
and among
them, also, the clanging of castanets, and the
torch that blazeth
beneath the tawny pine-trees,
”he bears witness to the common
relationship between the rites exhibited
in the worship of Dionysus
among the Greeks
and those in the worship of
the MOTHER
of the gods
among the Phrygians,
for he makes these rites closely akin to one
another.
And Euripides does likewise, in his Bacchae,
citing
the Lydian usages at the same time with those of Phrygia,
because of
their similarity:“
"But ye
who left Mt. Tmolus, fortress of Lydia,
revel-band of mine,
women
whom I brought from the land of barbarians as
my assistants and travelling companions,
uplift the tambourines native
to Phrygian cities, inventions of mine and MOTHER
Rhea.
”204And
again,“happy he who, blest man, initiated in the mystic
rites, is pure
in his life, . . .
who, preserving the
righteous orgies of the great MOTHER
Cybele, and brandishing the thyrsus on high,
and wreathed with
ivy, doth worship Dionysus.
Come,
ye Bacchae, come, ye Bacchae,
bringing down205
Bromius,206
god the child of
god, out of the Phrygian mountains into the broad highways of
Greece.
”207And
again, in the following verses he connects the Cretan usages
also with the Phrygian:“O thou hiding-bower208 of the
Curetes, and sacred haunts of Crete that gave birth to
Zeus,
where for me209 the
triple-crested210
Corybantes211
in their caverns
invented this
hide-stretched circlet,212
and blent its Bacchic
revelry with the high-pitched, sweet-sounding
breath of Phrygian flutes,
and in Rhea's hands
placed its resounding
noise,
to
accompany the shouts of the Bacchae,213
and
from MOTHER
Rhea frenzied Satyrs obtained it
and
joined it to the choral dances of the Trieterides,214 in whom
Dionysus takes delight.
”215 And
in the Palamedes the Chorus says,216“Thysa, daughter of Dionysus,
who on Ida rejoices with his dear MOTHER in
the Iacchic revels of tambourines.
Strabo 10.3.[14] And
when they bring Seilenus and Marsyas and
Olympus into one and the same
connection, and make them the historical inventors of
flutes, they
again, a second time, connect the Dionysiac and the
Phrygian rites; and
they often in a confused manner drum on217
Ida and Olympus as the same mountain. Now there are four peaks
of Ida
called Olympus, near Antandria; and there is also the Mysian
Olympus,
which indeed borders on Ida, but is not the same. At any rate,
Sophocles, in his Polyxena, representing Menelaus as
in haste
to set sail from Troy, but Agamemnon as wishing to remain
behind for a
short time for the sake of propitiating Athena, introduces
Menelaüs as
saying,“But do thou, here remaining, somewhere in the Idaean
land
collect flocks of Olympus and offer them in sacrifice.
”218
Strabo 10.3.[15] They
invented names appropriate to the flute, and to the
noises made by
castanets, cymbals, and drums, and to their acclamations and
shouts of
"ev-ah," and stampings of the feet;219
and they also invented some of the names by which to designate
the ministers, choral dancers, and attendants
upon the sacred rites,
I mean
"Cabeiri" and "Corybantes" and "Pans" and
"Satyri" and "Tityri,"
and
they called the god "Bacchus," and Rhea "Cybele"
or "Cybebe" or
"Dindymene"
according to the places
where she was worshipped.
Sabazius
also belongs to the Phrygian group and in a way is the child
of the MOTHER
since he too transmitted
the rites of Dionysus.220
Strabo 10.3.[16] Also
resembling these rites are the Cotytian and the Bendideian
rites
practiced among the Thracians, among whom the Orphic
rites had their
beginning. Now the Cotys who is worshipped among the Edonians,
and also
the instruments used in her rites, are mentioned by Aeschylus;
for he
says,“O adorable Cotys among the Edonians, and ye who hold
mountain-ranging221
instruments;
”and he mentions immediately afterwards the
attendants of Dionysus:“one, holding in his hands the bombyces,222
toilsome work of the turner's chisel, fills full the
fingered melody,
the call that brings on frenzy, while another
causes to resound the bronze-bound cotylae223
”and
again,“stringed instruments raise their shrill
cry, and frightful mimickers from some place
unseen bellow like bulls, and the semblance224 of drums,
as of subterranean thunder, rolls along, a terrifying sound;
”for
these rites resemble the Phrygian rites, and it is
at least not
unlikely that, just as the Phrygians themselves were colonists
from
Thrace, so also their sacred rites were borrowed from
there. Also when
they identify Dionysus and the Edonian Lycurgus, they hint
at the
homogeneity of their sacred rites.
Strabo 10.3.[17] From its
melody
and rhythm and instruments, all Thracian
music has been considered to
be Asiatic. And this is clear, first, from the places where
the Muses
have been worshipped, for Pieria and Olympus
and Pimpla and Leibethrum
were in ancient times Thracian places and mountains, though
they are
now held by the Macedonians; and again, Helicon was
consecrated to the
Muses by the Thracians who settled in Boeotia, the same who
consecrated
the cave of the nymphs called Leibethrides. And again,
those who
devoted their attention to the music of early times
are called Thracians, I mean Orpheus, Musaeus,
and Thamyris; and Eumolpus,225
too, got his name from there. And those writers who have
consecrated
the whole of Asia, as far as India, to Dionysus,
derive the greater
part of music from there. And one writer says,
"striking the Asiatic
cithara"; another calls flutes "Berecyntian" and "Phrygian";
and some
of the instruments have been called by barbarian
names, "nablas,"
"sambyce," "barbitos," "magadis," and several others.
Strabo 10.3.[18] Just as
in all
other respects the Athenians continue to be hospitable
to things
foreign, so also in their worship of the gods; for they
welcomed so
many of the foreign rites that they were ridiculed therefore
by comic
writers; and among these were the Thracian and Phrygian rites.
For
instance, the Bendideian rites are mentioned by Plato,226 and the
Phrygian by Demosthenes,227
when he casts the reproach upon Aeschines' MOTHER
and Aeschines himself
that he was with her when she conducted initiations,
that he joined her
in leading the Dionysiac march, and that many a time he cried
out "evoe
saboe," and "hyes attes, attes hyes"; for these words are in
the ritual
of Sabazius and the MOTHER.
Strab.
10.3.19 Further, one
might also find, in addition to these facts concerning these
genii and
their various names, that they were called, not only ministers
of gods,
but also gods themselves. For instance, Hesiod says that five
daughters
were born to Hecaterus and the daughter of Phoroneus,“from
whom sprang
the mountain-ranging nymphs, goddesses,
and the breed of Satyrs,
creatures
worthless and unfit for work,
and also the Curetes,
sportive
gods, dancers.
phi^lo-paigmōn ,
on, gen.
onos, (
paizō)
A. fond of
play, sportive, “
orkhēthmos”
Od.23.134;
“
orkhēstēres”
Hes.Fr.198, cf.
Ar.Ra.333
(lyr.),
Them.Or.24.301c,
Lib.Decl.30.68: of
the lion, “
pros ta suntropha kai sunēthē sphodra ph.”
Arist.HA629b11:
epith. of Pan
, BCH50.240
(Thasos, iii/ii B. C.). The more Att. form
philopaismōn occurs in
Pl.R.452e,
Cra.406c;
cf.
Poll.5.161. Adv.
-monōs ibid.
Hom. Od. 23.129 Then Odysseus of many wiles
answered him and said: [130] “Then will I
tell thee what seems to me to be the best way. First bathe
yourselves,
and put on your tunics, and bid the handmaids in the halls
to take
their raiment.
But let the divine minstrel with his
clear-toned lyre in
hand be our leader in the gladsome dance,
[135] that any man
who hears
the sound from without,
whether a passer-by
or one of those who dwell
around,
may say that it
is a wedding feast; and so the rumor
of the
slaying of the wooers shall not be spread abroad
throughout the city
before we go forth
to our well-wooded farm
Aristoph.
Frogs 323 Chorus
Iacchus, here abiding in temples most reverend,
Iacchus, O Iacchus,
come to dance in this meadow;
to your holy mystic bands
Shake the leafy crown
around your head, brimming
with myrtle,
Boldly
stomp your feet in time
to the wild fun-loving rite,
with full share of the
Graces, the holy dance,
sacred
to your
mystics.
Plat. Crat. 406c of the name of these deities.
You
will have to ask others for the serious one; but there is
nothing to
hinder my giving you the facetious account, for the gods
also have a
sense of humor. Dionysus, the giver (
didous) of
wine (
oinos), might be called in
jest Didoinysus, and wine, because it makes most drinkers
think (
oiesthai) they have wit (
nous) when they have not,
might very justly be called Oeonus (
oionous). As for Aphrodite,
we need not oppose Hesiod; we can accept his derivation of
the name
”228And
the author of Phoronis229
speaks of the Curetes as "flute-players"
and "Phrygians"; and others as
"earth-born" and "wearing brazen shields." Some call
the Corybantes,
and not the Curetes, "Phrygians," but the Curetes
"Cretes,"230
and say that the Cretes were the first people to don brazen
armour in
Euboea, and that on this account they were also called "Chalcidians";231
still others say that the Corybantes, who came from Bactriana
(some say
from among the Colchians), were given as armed ministers
to Rhea by the
Titans. But in the Cretan accounts the Curetes are
called "rearers of
Zeus," and "protectors of Zeus," having been summoned from
Phrygia to
Crete by Rhea. Some say that, of the nine Telchines232 who
lived in Rhodes, those who accompanied Rhea to Crete
and "reared" Zeus "in his youth"233
were named "Curetes"; and that Cyrbas, a comrade of these, who
was the
founder of Hierapytna, afforded a pretext to the Prasians234
for saying among the Rhodians that the Corybantes were certain
genii,
sons of Athena and Helius. Further, some call the Corybantes
sons of
Cronus, but others say that the Corybantes were sons of Zeus
and
Calliope and were identical with the Cabeiri, and that these
went off
to Samothrace, which in earlier times was called Melite, and
that their
rites were mystical.
Strabo 10.3.[20] But
though the Scepsian,235
who compiled these myths, does not accept the last
statement, on the
ground that no mystic story of the Cabeiri is told in
Samothrace, still
he cites also the opinion of Stesimbrotus the Thasian 236
that the sacred rites in Samothrace were performed in honor of
the
Cabeiri: and the Scepsian says that they were called Cabeiri
after the
mountain Cabeirus in Berecyntia. Some, however, believe that
the
Curetes were the same as the Corybantes and were ministers
of Hecate.
But the Scepsian again states, in opposition to the words of
Euripides,237
that the rites of Rhea were not sanctioned or in vogue in
Crete, but
only in Phrygia and the Troad, and that those who say
otherwise are
dealing in myths rather than in history, though perhaps the
identity of
the place-names contributed to their making this mistake. For
instance,
Ida is not only a Trojan, but also a Cretan, mountain; and
Dicte is a
place in Scepsia238
and also a mountain in Crete; and Pytna, after which the city
Hierapytna239
was named, is a peak of Ida. And there is a Hippocorona in the
territory of Adramyttium and a Hippocoronium in Crete. And
Samonium is
the eastern promontory of the island and a plain in the
territory of
Neandria and in that of the Alexandreians.240
Strabo 10.3.[21]
Acusilaüs,241
the Argive, calls Cadmilus the son of Cabeiro and Hephaestus,
and
Cadmilus the father of three Cabeiri, and these the fathers of
the
nymphs called Cabeirides. Pherecydes242
says that nine Cyrbantes were sprung from Apollo and Rhetia,
and that
they took up their abode in Samothrace; and that three Cabeiri
and
three nymphs called Cabeirides were the children of Cabeiro,
the
daughter of Proteus, and Hephaestus, and that sacred rites
were
instituted in honor of each triad. Now it has so happened that
the
Cabeiri are most honored in Imbros and Lemnos, but they are
also
honored in separate cities of the Troad; their names, however,
are kept
secret. Herodotus243
says that there were temples of the Cabeiri in Memphis, as
also of
Hephaestus, but that Cambyses destroyed them. The places where
these
deities were worshipped are uninhabited, both the Corybanteium
in
Hamaxitia in the territory now belonging to the Alexandreians
near
Sminthium,244
and Corybissa in Scepsia in the neighborhood of the river
Eurëeis and
of the village which bears the same name and also of the
winter torrent
Aethalöeis. The Scepsian says that it is probable that the
Curetes and
the Corybantes were the same, being those who had been
accepted as
young men, or "youths," for the war-dance in connection with
the holy
rites of the MOTHER of the gods,
and also as "corybantes" from the fact
that they "walked with a butting of their heads" in a dancing
way.245
These are called by the poet "betarmones":246“Come now, all ye that are
the best 'betarmones' of the Phaeacians.
”247
And because the Corybantes are inclined to dancing and to
religious
frenzy, we say of those who are stirred with frenzy that they
are
"corybantising."
Strabo 10.3.[22] Some
writers say
that the name "Idaean Dactyli" was given to the first settlers
of the
lower slopes of Mt. Ida, for the lower slopes of mountains are
called
"feet," and the summits "heads"; accordingly, the several
extremities
of Ida (all of which are sacred to the MOTHER
of the gods) were called
Dactyli.248
Sophocles249
thinks that the first male Dactyli were five in number, who
were the
first to discover and to work iron, as well as many other
things which
are useful for the purposes of life, and that their sisters
were five
in number, and that they were called Dactyli from their
number. But
different writers tell the myth in different ways, joining
difficulty
to difficulty; and both the names and numbers they use are
different;
and they name one of them "Celmis" and others "Damnameneus"
and
"Heracles" and "Acmon." Some call them natives of Ida, others
settlers;
but all agree that iron was first worked by these on Ida; and
all have
assumed that they were wizards and attendants of the MOTHER
of the
gods, and that they lived in Phrygia about Ida; and they use
the term
Phrygia for the Troad because, after Troy was sacked, the
Phrygians,
whose territory bordered on the Troad, got the mastery over
it. And
they suspect that both the Curetes and the Corybantes were
offspring of
the Idaean Dactyli; at any rate, the first hundred men born in
Crete
were called Idaean Dactyli, they say, and as offspring of
these were
born nine Curetes, and each of these begot ten children who
were called
Idaean Dactyli.
Strabo 10.3.[23] I have
been led
on to discuss these people rather at length, although I am not
in the
least fond of myths, because the facts in their case border on
the
province of theology. And theology as a whole must examine
early
opinions and myths, since the ancients expressed enigmatically
the
physical notions which they entertained concerning the facts
and always
added the mythical element to their accounts. Now it is not
easy to
solve with accuracy all the enigmas, but if the multitude of
myths be
set before us, some agreeing and others contradicting one
another, one
might be able more readily to conjecture out of them what the
truth is.
For instance, men probably speak in their myths about the
"mountain-roaming" of religious zealots and of gods
themselves, and
about their "religious frenzies," for the same reason that
they are
prompted to believe that the gods dwell in the skies and show
forethought, among their other interests, for prognostication
by signs.
Now seeking for metals, and hunting, and searching for the
things that
are useful for the purposes of life, are manifestly closely
related to
mountain-roaming, whereas juggling and magic are closely
related to
religious frenzies, worship, and divination. And such also is
devotion
to the arts, in particular to the Dionysiac and Orphic arts.
But enough
on this subject. 4.
Strab.
10.4.1 Since I have already described the islands
of the Peloponnesus
in detail, not only the others, but also those in the
Corinthian Gulf
and those in front of it, I must next discuss Crete (for it,
too,
belongs to the Peloponnesus) and any islands that are in the
neighborhood of Crete. Among these are the Cyclades and the
Sporades,
some worthy of mention, others of less significance.
Strab.
10.4.2 But at present let me first discuss
Crete.250
Now although Eudoxus says that it is situated in the Aegaean
Sea, one
should not so state, but rather that it lies between Cyrenaea
and that
part of Greece which extends from Sunium to Laconia,
stretching
lengthwise parallel with these countries from west to east,
and that it
is washed on the north by the Aegaean and the Cretan Seas, and
on the
south by the Libyan Sea, which borders on the Aegyptian.
As for its two
extremities, the western is in the neighborhood of Phalasarna;
it has a
breadth of about two hundred stadia and is divided into two
promontories (of these the southern is called Criumetopon,251 the
northern Cimarus), whereas the eastern is Samonium, which
falls toward the east not much farther than Sunium.
Strabo 10.4.[3]
As
for its size, Sosicrates, whose account of the island,
according to
Apollodorus, is exact, defines it as follows: In length, more
than two
thousand three hundred stadia, and in breadth, . . . ,252
so that its circuit, according to him, would amount to more
than five
thousand stadia; but Artemidorus says it is four thousand one
hundred.
Hieronymus253
says that its length is two thousand stadia and its breadth
irregular,
and therefore might mean that the circuit is greater than
Artemidorus
says. For about a third of its length . . . ;254
and then comes an isthmus of about one hundred stadia, which,
on the
northern sea, has a settlement called Amphimalla, and, on the
southern,
Phoenix, belonging to the Lampians. The island is broadest
near the
middle. And from here the shores again converge to an isthmus
narrower
than the former, about sixty stadia in width, which extends
from Minoa,
city of the Lyctians, to Hierapytna and the Libyan Sea; the
city is
situated on the gulf. Then the island projects into a sharp
promontory,
Samonium, which slopes in the direction of Aegypt and the
islands of
the Rhodians.
Strabo 10.4.[4]The island
is
mountainous and thickly wooded, but it has fruitful glens. Of
the
mountains, those towards the west are called Leuca;255
they do not fall short of Taÿgetus in height, extend in length
about
three hundred stadia, and form a ridge which terminates
approximately
at the narrows. In the middle, in the most spacious part of
the island,
is Mount Ida, loftiest of the mountains of Crete and circular
in shape,
with a circuit of six hundred stadia; and around it are the
best
cities. There are other mountains in Crete that are about as
high as
the Leuca, some terminating towards the south and others
towards the
east.
Strabo 10.4.[5] The
voyage from
Cyrenaea to Criumetopon takes two days and nights, and the
distance
from Cimarus to Taenarum is seven hundred stadia,256
Cythera lying between them; and the voyage from Samonium to Aegypt
takes four days and nights, though some say three. Some state
that this
is a voyage of five thousand stadia, but others still less.
Eratosthenes says that the distance from Cyrenaea to
Criumetopon is two
thousand, and from there to the Peloponnesus less . . .257
Strabo 10.4.[6]“But one
tongue with others is mixed,
”the poet says;“there dwell Achaeans, there Eteo-Cretans258 proud
of heart, there Cydonians and Dorians, too, of waving plumes,
and goodly Pelasgians.
”259260 Of
these peoples, according to Staphylus,261
the Dorians occupy the part towards the east, the Cydonians
the western
part, the Eteo-Cretans the southern; and to these last belongs
the town
Prasus, where is the temple of the Dictaean Zeus; whereas the
other
peoples, since they were more powerful, dwelt in the plains.
Now it is
reasonable to suppose that the Eteo-Cretans and the Cydonians
were
autochthonous, and that the others were foreigners, who,
according to
Andron,262
came from Thessaly, from the country which in earlier times
was called
Doris, but is now called Hestiaeotis; it was from this country
that the
Dorians who lived in the neighborhood of Parnassus set out, as
he says,
and founded Erineüs, Boeüm, and Cytinium, and hence by Homer263 are
called "trichaïces."264
However, writers do not accept the account of Andron at all,
since he represents the Tetrapolis Doris as being a Tripolis,265
and the metropolis of the Dorians as a mere colony of
Thessalians; and
they derive the meaning of "trichaïces" either from the
"trilophia,"266
or from the fact that the crests were "trichini."267
Strabo 10.4.[7] There
are several cities in Crete, but the greatest and most famous
are
three: Cnossus, Gortyna and Cydonia. The praises of Cnossus
are hymned
above the rest both by Homer, who calls it "great" and "the
kingdom of
Minos,"268
and by the later poets. Furthermore, it continued for a long
time to
win the first honors; then it was humbled and deprived of many
of its
prerogatives, and its superior rank passed over to Gortyna and
Lyctus;
but later it again recovered its olden dignity as the
metropolis.
Cnossus is situated in a plain, its original circuit being
thirty
stadia, between the Lyctian and Gortynian territories, being
two
hundred stadia distant from Gortyna, and a hundred and twenty
from
Lyttus, which the poet named Lyctus.269
Cnossus is twenty-five stadia from the northern sea, Gortyna
is ninety
from the Libyan Sea, and Lyctus itself is eighty from the
Libyan. And
Cnossus has Heracleium as its seaport.
Strabo 10.4.[8] But Minos
is said to have used as seaport Amnisus, where is the temple
of Eileithuia.270
In earlier times Cnossus was called Caeratus, bearing the same
name as
the river which flows past it. According to history, Minos was
an
excellent law-giver, and also the first to gain the mastery of
the sea;271
and he divided the island into three parts and founded a city
in each part, Cnossus in the . . .272 And it, too,273
lies to the north. As Ephorus states, Minos was an emulator of
a
certain Rhadamanthys of early times, a man most just and
bearing the
same name as Minos's brother, who is reputed to have been the
first to
civilize the island by establishing laws and by uniting cities
under
one city as metropolis274
and by setting up constitutions, alleging that he brought from
Zeus the
several decrees which he promulgated. So, in imitation of
Rhadamanthys,
Minos would go up every nine years,275
as it appears, to the cave of Zeus, tarry there, and come back
with
commandments drawn up in writing, which he alleged were
ordinances of
Zeus; and it was for this reason that the poet says,“there
Minos
reigned as king, who held converse with great Zeus every ninth
year.
”276277
Such is the statement of Ephorus; but again the early writers
have
given a different account of Minos, which is contrary to that
of
Ephorus, saying that he was tyrannical, harsh, and an exactor
of
tribute, representing in tragedy the story of the Minotaur and
the
Labyrinth, and the adventures of Theseus and Daedalus.
Strabo 10.4.[9] Now, as
for these
two accounts, it is hard to say which is true; and there is
another
subject that is not agreed upon by all, some saying that Minos
was a
foreigner, but others that he was a native of the island. The
poet,
however, seems rather to advocate the second view when he
says,“Zeus
first begot Minos, guardian o'er Crete.
”278In
regard to Crete, writers agree that in ancient times it had
good laws,
and rendered the best of the Greeks its emulators, and in
particular
the Lacedaemonians, as is shown, for instance, by Plato279 and
also by Ephorus, who in his Europe280
has described its constitution. But later it changed very much
for the
worse; for after the Tyrrhenians, who more than any other
people
ravaged Our Sea,281
the Cretans succeeded to the business of piracy; their piracy
was later
destroyed by the Cilicians; but all piracy was broken up by
the Romans,
who reduced Crete by war and also the piratical strongholds of
the
Cilicians. And at the present time Cnossus has even a colony
of Romans.
Strabo 10.4.[10] So much
for
Cnossus, a city to which I myself am not alien, although, on
account of
man's fortune and of the changes and issues therein, the bonds
which at
first connected me with the city have disappeared: Dorylaüs
was a
military expert and one of the friends of Mithridates
Euergetes. He,
because of his experience in military affairs, was appointed
to enlist
mercenaries, and often visited not only Greece and Thrace, but
also the
mercenaries of Crete, that is, before the Romans were yet in
possession
of the island and while the number of mercenary soldiers in
the island,
from whom the piratical bands were also wont to be recruited,
was
large. Now when Dorylaüs was sojourning there war happened to
break out
between the Cnossians and the Gortynians, and he was appointed
general,
finished the war successfully, and speedily won the greatest
honors.
But when, a little later, he learned that Euergetes, as the
result of a
plot, had been treacherously slain in Sinope by his closest
associates,
and heard that the succession had passed to his wife and young
children, he despaired of the situation there and stayed on at
Cnossus.
There, by a Macetan woman, Sterope by name, he begot two sons,
Lagetas
and Stratarchas (the latter of whom l myself saw when he was
an
extremely old man), and also one daughter. Now Euergetes had
two sons,
one of whom, Mithridates, surnamed Eupator, succeeded to the
rule when
he was eleven years old. Dorylaüs, the son of Philetaerus, was
his
foster brother; and Philotaerus was a brother of Dorylaüs the
military
expert. And when the king Mithridates reached manhood, he was
so
infatuated with the companionship of his foster brother
Dorylaüs that
he not only conferred upon him the greatest honors, but also
cared for
his kinsmen and summoned those who lived at Cnossus. These
were the
household of Lagetas and his brother, their father having
already died,
and they themselves having reached manhood; and they quit
Cnossus and
went home. My MOTHER'S MOTHER
was the sister of Lagetas. Now when
Lagetas prospered, these others shared in his prosperity, but
when he
was ruined (for he was caught in the act of trying to cause
the kingdom
to revolt to the Romans, on the understanding that he was to
be
established at the head of the government), their fortunes
were also
ruined at the same time, and they were reduced to humility;
and the
bonds which connected them with the Cnossians, who themselves
had
undergone countless changes, fell into neglect. But enough for
my
account of Cnossus.
Strabo 10.4.[11] After
Cnossus,
the city of the Gortynians seems to have ranked second in
power; for
when these two cooperated they held in subjection all the rest
of the
inhabitants, and when they had a quarrel there was dissension
throughout the island. But Cydonia was the greatest addition
to
whichever side it attached itself. The city of the Gortynians
also lies
in a plain; and in ancient times, perhaps, it was walled, as
Homer
states,“and well-walled Gortyn,
”282but
later it lost its walls from their very foundations, and has
remained
unwalled ever since; for although Ptolemy Philopator began to
build a
wall, he proceeded with it only about eighty283
stadia; at any rate, it is worth mentioning that the
settlement once
filled out a circuit of about fifty stadia. It is ninety
stadia distant
from the Libyan Sea at Leben, which is its trading center; it
also has
another seaport, Matalum, from which it is a hundred and
thirty stadia
distant. The Lethaeus River flows through the whole of its
territory.
Strabo 10.4.[12] From
Leben came Leucocomas and his lover Euxynthetus, the story of
whom is told by Theophrastus in his treatise On Love.
Of the tasks which Leucocomas assigned to Euxynthetus, one, he
says,
was this—to bring back his dog from Prasus. The country of the
Prasians
borders on that of the Lebenians, being seventy stadia distant
from the
sea and a hundred and eighty from Gortyn. As I have said,284
Prasus belonged to the Eteo-Cretans; and the temple of the
Dictaean
Zeus was there; for Dicte is near it, not "close to the Idaean
Mountain," as Aratus says,285
for Dicte is a thousand stadia distant from Ida, being
situated at that
distance from it towards the rising sun, and a hundred from
Samonium.
Prasus was situated between Samonium and the Cherronesus,
sixty stadia
above the sea; it was razed to the ground by the
Hierapytnians. And
neither is Callimachus right, they say, when he says that
Britomartis,
in her flight from the violence of Minos, leaped from Dicte
into
fishermen's "nets,"286
and that because of this she herself was called Dictynna by
the
Cydoniatae, and the mountain Dicte; for Cydonia is not in the
neighborhood of these places at all, but lies near the western
limits
of the island. However, there is a mountain called Tityrus in
Cydonia,
on which is a temple, not the "Dictaean" temple, but the
"Dictynnaean."
Strabo 10.4.[13] Cydonia
is
situated on the sea, facing Laconia, and is equidistant, about
eight
hundred stadia, from the two cities Cnossus and Gortyn, and is
eighty
stadia distant from Aptera, and forty from the sea in that
region.287
The seaport of Aptera is Cisamus. The territory.of the
Polyrrhenians
borders on that of the Cydoniatae towards the west, and the
temple of
Dictynna is in their territory. They are about thirty stadia
distant
from the sea, and sixty from Phalasarna. They lived in
villages in
earlier times; and then Achaeans and Laconians made a common
settlement, building a wall round a place that was naturally
strong and
faced towards the south.
Strabo 10.4.[14] Of the
three
cities that were united under one metropolis by Minos, the
third, which
was Phaestus, was razed to the ground by the Gortynians; it is
sixty
stadia distant from Gortyn, twenty from the sea, and forty
from the
seaport Matalum; and the country is held by those who razed
it.
Rhytium, also, together with Phaestus, belongs to the
Gortynians:“and
Phaestus and Rhytium.
”288
Epimenides,289
who performed the purifications by means of his verses, is
said to have
been from Phaestus. And Lissen also is in the Phaestian
territory. Of
Lyctus, which I have mentioned before,290
the seaport is Cherronesus, as it is called, where is the
temple of
Britomartis. But the Cities Miletus and Lycastus, which are
catalogued
along with Lyctus,291
no longer exist; and as for their territory, the Lyctians took
one
portion of it and the Cnossians the other, after they had
razed the
city to the ground.
Strabo 10.4.[15] Since
the poet speaks of Strabo 10.4. at one time as
"possessing a hundred cities,"292 and also at another as
"possessing ninety cities,"293
Ephorus says that the ten were founded later than the others,
after the
Trojan War, by the Dorians who accompanied Althaemenes the
Argive; he
adds that it was Odysseus, however, who called it "Crete of
the ninety
cities." Now this statement is plausible, but others say that
the ten
cities were razed to the ground by the enemies of Idomeneus.294
However, in the first place, the poet does not say that Crete
had one
hundred cities at the time of the Trojan War, but rather in
his own
time (for he is speaking in his own person, although, if the
statement
was made by some person who was living at the time of the
Trojan War,
as is the case in the Odyssey, when Odysseus says "of the
ninety
cities," then it would be well to interpret it accordingly).
In the
second place, if we should concede this,295 the next statement296
could not he maintained; for it is not likely that these
cities were
wiped out by the enemies of Idomeneus either during the
expedition or
after his return from Troy; for when the poet said,“and all
his
companions Idomeneus brought to Crete, all who escaped from
the war,
and the sea robbed him of none,
”297
he would also have mentioned this disaster; for of course
Odysseus
could not have known of the obliteration of the cities, since
he came
in contact with no Greeks either during his wanderings or
later. And he298
who accompanied Idomeneus on the expedition to Troy and
returned safely
home at the same time could not have known what occurred in
the
homeland of Idomeneus either during the expedition or the
return from
Troy, nor yet even after the return; for if ldomeneus escaped
with all
his companions, he returned home strong, and therefore his
enemies were
not likely to be strong enough to take ten cities away from
him. Such,
then, is my description of the country of the Cretans.
Strabo 10.4.[16] As for
their
constitution, which is described by Ephorus, it might suffice
to tell
in a cursory way its most important provisions. The lawgiver,
he says,
seems to take it for granted that liberty is a state's
greatest good,
for this alone makes property belong specifically to those who
have
acquired it, whereas in a condition of slavery everything
belongs to
the rulers and not to the ruled; but those who have liberty
must guard
it; now harmony ensues when dissension, which is the result of
greed
and luxury, is removed; for when all citizens live a
self-restrained
and simple life there arises neither envy nor arrogance nor
hatred
towards those who are like them; and this is why the lawgiver
commanded
the boys to attend the "Troops,"299
as they are called, and the full grown men to eat together at
the
public messes which they call the "Andreia," so that the
poorer, being
fed at public expense, might be on an equality with the
well-to-do; and
in order that courage, and not cowardice, might prevail, he
commanded
that from boyhood they should grow up accustomed to arms and
toils, so
as to scorn heat, cold, marches over rugged and steep roads,
and blows
received in gymnasiums or regular battles; and that they
should
practise, not only archery, but also the war-dance, which was
invented
and made known by the Curetes at first, and later,
also, by the man300
who arranged the dance that was named after him, I
mean the Pyrrhic
dance, so that not even their sports were
without a share in activities
that were useful for warfare; and likewise that they
should use in
their songs the Cretic rhythms, which were
very high pitched, and were
invented by Thales, to whom they ascribe, not only their
Paeans and
other local songs, but also many of their institutions; and
that they
should use military dress and shoes; and that arms should be
to them
the most valuable of gifts.
Strabo 10.4.[17] It is
said by
some writers, Ephorus continues, that most of the Cretan
institutions
are Laconian, but the truth is that they were invented by the
Cretans
and only perfected by the Spartans; and the Cretans, when
their cities,
and particularly that of the Cnossians, were devastated,
neglected
military affairs; but some of the institutions continued in
use among
the Lyctians, Gortynians, and certain other small cities to a
greater
extent than among the Cnossians; in fact, the institutions of
the
Lyctians are cited as evidence by those who represent the
Laconian as
older; for, they argue, being colonists, they preserve the
customs of
the MOTHER
city, since even on general grounds it is absurd to
represent those who are better organized and governed as
emulators of
their inferiors; but this is not correct, Ephorus says, for,
in the
first place, one should not draw evidence as to antiquity from
the
present state of things, for both peoples have undergone a
complete
reversal; for instance, the Cretans in earlier times were
masters of
the sea, and hence the proverb, "The Cretan does not know the
sea," is
applied to those who pretend not to know what they do know,
although
now the Cretans have lost their fleet; and, in the second
place, it
does not follow that, because some of the cities in Crete were
Spartan
colonies, they were under compulsion to keep to the Spartan
institutions; at any rate, many colonial cities do not observe
their
ancestral customs, and many, also, of those in Crete that are
not
colonial have the same customs as the colonists.
Strabo 10.4.[18] Lycurgus
the
Spartan law-giver, Ephorus continues, was five generations
later than
the Althaemenes who conducted the colony to Crete;301
for historians say that Althaemenes was son of the Cissus who
founded
Argos about the same time when Procles was establishing Sparta
as
metropolis;302
and Lycurgus, as is agreed by all, was sixth in descent from
Procles;
and copies are not earlier than their models, nor more recent
things
earlier than older things; not only the dancing which is
customary
among the Lacedaemonians, but also the rhythms and paeans that
are sung
according to law, and many other Spartan institutions, are
called
"Cretan" among the Lacedaemonians, as though they originated
in Crete;
and some of the public offices are not only administered in
the same
way as in Crete, but also have the same names, as, for
instance, the
office of the "Gerontes,"303
and that of the "Hippeis"304
(except that the "Hippeis" in Crete actually possessed horses,
and from
this fact it is inferred that the office of the "Hippeis" in
Crete is
older, for they preserve the true meaning of the appellation,
whereas
the Lacedaemonian "Hippeis" do not keep horses); but though
the Ephors
have the same functions as the Cretan Cosmi, they have been
named
differently; and the public messes are, even today, still
called
"Andreia" among the Cretans, but among the Spartans they
ceased to be
called by the same name as in earlier times;305
at any rate, the following is found in Alcman:“In feasts and
festive
gatherings, amongst the guests who partake of the Andreia,
'tis meet to
begin the paean
”306
Strabo 10.4.[19] It
is said by the Cretans, Ephorus continues, that Lycurgus came
to them
for the following reason: Polydectes was the elder brother of
Lycurgus;
when he died he left his wife pregnant; now for a time
Lycurgus reigned
in his brother's place, but when a child was born he became
the child's
guardian, since the office of king descended to the child, but
some
man, railing at Lycurgus, said that he knew for sure that
Lycurgus
would be king; and Lycurgus, suspecting that in consequence of
such
talk he himself might be falsely accused of plotting against
the child,
and fearing that, if by any chance the child should die, he
himself
might be blamed for it by his enemies, sailed away to Crete;
this,
then, is said to be the cause of his sojourn in Crete; and
when he
arrived he associated with Thales, a melic poet and an expert
in
lawgiving; and after learning from him the manner in which
both
Rhadamanthys in earlier times and Minos in later times
published their
laws to men as from Zeus, and after sojourning in Egypt
also and
learning among other things their institutions, and, according
to some
writers, after meeting Homer, who was living in Chios,
he sailed back
to his homeland, and found his brother's son, Charilaüs the
son of
Polydectes, reigning as king; and then he set out to frame the
laws,
making visits to the god at Delphi, and bringing thence the
god's
decrees, just as Minos and his house had brought their
ordinances from
the cave of Zeus, most of his being similar to theirs.
Strabo 10.4.[20] The
following
are the most important provisions in the Cretan institutions
as stated
by Ephorus. In Crete all those who are selected out of the
"Troop" of
boys at the same time are forced to marry at the same time,
although
they do not take the girls whom they have married to their own
homes
immediately, but as soon as the girls are qualified to manage
the
affairs of the house. A girl's dower, if she has brothers, is
half of
the brother's portion.
The children must learn, not only their letters,
but also the songs prescribed in the laws and certain forms of
music.
Now those who are still younger are taken to the public
messes, the
"Andreia"; and they sit together on the ground as they eat
their food,
clad in shabby garments, the same both winter and summer, and
they also
wait on the men as well as on themselves. And those who eat
together at
the same mess join battle both with one another and with those
from
different messes. A boy director presides over each
mess. But the older
boys are taken to the "Troops"; and the most
conspicuous and
influential of the boys assemble the "Troops," each collecting
as many
boys as he possibly can; the leader of each "Troop" is
generally the
father of the assembler, and he has authority to lead them
forth to
hunt and to run races, and to punish anyone who is
disobedient; and
they are fed at public expense; and on certain appointed days
"Troop"
contends with "Troop," marching rhythmically into battle, to
the tune
of flute and lyre, as is their custom in actual war; and they
actually
bear marks of307
the blows received, some inflicted by the hand, others by iron308
weapons.
Strabo 10.4.[21] They
have a peculiar custom in regard to love affairs, for they win
the
objects of their love, not by persuasion, but by abduction;
the lover
tells the friends of the boy three or four days beforehand
that he is
going to make the abduction; but for the friends to conceal
the boy, or
not to let him go forth by the appointed road, is indeed a
most
disgraceful thing, a confession, as it were, that the boy is
unworthy
to obtain such a lover; and when they meet, if the abductor is
the
boy's equal or superior in rank or other respects, the friends
pursue
him and lay hold of him, though only in a very gentle way,
thus
satisfying the custom; and after that they cheerfully turn the
boy over
to him to lead away; if, however, the abductor is unworthy,
they take
the boy away from him. And the pursuit does not end until the
boy is
taken to the "Andreium" of his abductor. They regard as a
worthy object
of love, not the boy who is exceptionally handsome, but the
boy who is
exceptionally manly and decorous. After giving the boy
presents, the
abductor takes him away to any place in the country he wishes;
and
those who were present at the abduction follow after them, and
after
feasting and hunting with them for two months (for it is not
permitted
to detain the boy for a longer time), they return to the city.
The boy
is released after receiving as presents a military habit, an
ox, and a
drinking-cup (these are the gifts required by law), and other
things so
numerous and costly that the friends, on account of the number
of the
expenses, make contributions thereto. Now the boy sacrifices
the ox to
Zeus and feasts those who returned with him; and then he makes
known
the facts about his intimacy with his lover, whether,
perchance, it has
pleased him or not, the law allowing him this privilege in
order that,
if any force was applied to him at the time of the abduction,
he might
be able at this feast to avenge himself and be rid of the
lover. It is
disgraceful for those who are handsome in appearance or
descendants of
illustrious ancestors to fail to obtain lovers, the
presumption being
that their character is responsible for such a fate. But the
parastathentes309
(for thus they call those who have been abducted) receive
honors; for
in both the dances and the races they have the positions of
highest
honor, and are allowed to dress in better clothes than the
rest, that
is, in the habit given them by their lovers; and not then
only, but
even after they have grown to manhood, they wear a distinctive
dress,
which is intended to make known the fact that each wearer has
become
"kleinos,"310
for they call the loved one "kleinos" and the lover
"philetor."311
So much for their customs in regard to love affairs.
Strabo 10.4.[22] The
Cretans choose ten Archons. Concerning the matters of greatest
importance they use as counsellors the "Gerontes," as they are
called.
Those who have been thought worthy to hold the office of the
"Cosmi"
and are otherwise adjudged men of approved worth are appointed
members
of this Council. I have assumed that the constitution of the
Cretans is
worthy of description both on account of its peculiar
character and on
account of its fame. Not many, however, of these institutions
endure,
but the administration of affairs is carried on mostly by
means of the
decrees of the Romans, as is also the case in the other
provinces. 5.
Strab.
10.5.1 The islands near Crete are Thera, the
metropolis of the
Cyrenaeans, a colony of the Lacedaemonians, and, near Thera,
Anaphe,
where is the temple of the Aegletan Apollo. Callimachus speaks
in one
place as follows,“Aegletan Anaphe, neighbor to Laconian Thera,
”312and in
another, mentioning only Thera,“MOTHER
of my fatherland, famed for its horses.
”313Thera
is a long island, being two hundred stadia in perimeter; it
lies opposite Dia,314
an island near the Cnossian Heracleium,315
but it is seven hundred stadia distant from Crete. Near it are
both
Anaphe and Therasia. One hundred stadia distant from the
latter is the
little island Ios, where, according to some writers, the poet
Homer was
buried. From Ios towards the west one comes to Sicinos and
Lagusa and
Pholegandros, which last Aratus calls "Iron" Island, because
of its
ruggedness. Near these is Cimolos, whence comes the Cimolian
earth.316
From Cimolos Siphnos is visible, in reference to which island,
because
of its worthlessness, people say "Siphnian knuckle-bone."317
And still nearer both to Cimolos and to Crete is Melos, which
is more
notable than these and is seven hundred stadia from the
Hermionic
promontory, the Scyllaeum, and almost the same distance from
the
Dictynnaeum. The Athenians once sent an expedition to Melos
and
slaughtered most of the inhabitants from youth upwards.318
Now these islands are indeed in the Cretan Sea, but Delos
itself and
the Cyclades in its neighborhood and the Sporades which lie
close to
these, to which belong the aforesaid islands in the
neighborhood of
Crete, are rather in the Aegaean Sea.
Strabo 10.5.[2] Now the
city which belongs to Delos, as also the temple of
Apollon, and the Letöum,319
are situated in a plain; and above the city lies Cynthus, a
bare and
rugged mountain; and a river named Inopus flows through the
island—not
a large river, for the island itself is small. From olden
times,
beginning with the times of the heroes, Delos has been revered
because
of its gods, for the myth is told that there Leto was
delivered of her
travail by the birth of Apollo and Artemis:“for aforetime,
”says Pindar,“it320
was tossed by the billows, by the blasts of all manner of
winds,321
but when the daughter of Coeüs322
in the frenzied pangs of childbirth set foot upon it, then did
four
pillars, resting on adamant, rise perpendicular from the roots
of the
earth, and on their capitals sustain the rock. And there she
gave birth
to, and beheld, her blessed offspring.
”323The
neighboring islands, called the Cyclades, made it famous,
since in its
honor they would send at public expense sacred envoys, sacrifices,
and choruses composed of virgins, and would celebrate
great general
festivals there.324
Strabo 10.5.[3] Now
at first the Cyclades are said to have been only twelve in
number, but
later several others were added. At any rate, Artemidorus
enumerates
fifteen, after saying of Helena that it stretches parallel to
the coast
from Thoricus to Sunium and is a long island, about sixty
stadia in
length; for it is from Helena, he says, that the Cyclades, as
they are
called, begin; and he names Ceos, the island nearest to
Helena, and,
after this island, Cythnos and Seriphos and Melos and Siphnos
and
Cimolos and Prepesinthos and Oliaros, and, in addition to
these, Paros,
Naxos, Syros, Myconos, Tenos, Andros, and Gyaros. Now I
consider all of
these among the twelve except Prepesinthos, Oliaros, and
Gyaros. When
our ship anchored at one of these, Gyaros, I saw a small
village that
was settled by fishermen; and when we sailed away we took on
board one
of the fishermen, who had been chosen to go from there to
Caesar as
ambassador (Caesar was at Corinth, on his way325 to
celebrate the Triumph alter the victory at Actium 326).
While on the voyage he told enquirers that he had been sent as
ambassador to request a reduction in their tribute; for, he
said, they
were paying one hundred and fifty drachmas when they could
only with
difficulty pay one hundred. Aratus also points out the poverty
of the
island in his Catalepton“O Leto, shortly thou wilt
pass by me, who am like either iron Pholegandros or worthless
Gyaros.
”327
Strabo 10.5.[4] Now
although Delos had become so famous, yet the razing of Corinth
to the ground by the Romans328
increased its fame still more; for the importers changed their
business
to Delos because they were attracted both by the immunity
which the
temple enjoyed and by the convenient situation of the harbor;
for it is
happily situated for those who are sailing from Italy and
Greece to
Asia. The general festival is a kind of commercial affair, and
it was
frequented by Romans more than by any other people, even when
Corinth
was still in existence.329
And when the Athenians took the island they at the same time
took good
care of the importers as well as of the religious rites. But
when the
generals of Mithridates, and the tyrant330
who caused it to revolt, visited Delos, they completely ruined
it, and
when the Romans again got the island, alter the king withdrew
to his
homeland, it was desolate; and it has remained in an
impoverished
condition until the present time. It is now held by the
Athenians.
Strabo 10.5.[5] Rheneia
is a desert isle within four stadia from Delos, and there the
Delians bury their dead;331
for it is unlawful to bury, or even burn, a corpse in Delos
itself, and
it is unlawful even to keep a dog there. In earlier times it
was called
Ortygia.
Strabo 10.5.[6] Ceos was
at first
a Tetrapolis, but only two cities are left, Iulis and
Carthaea, into
which the remaining two were incorporated, Poeëessa into
Carthaea and
Coressia into Iulis. Both Simonides the melic poet and his
nephew
Bacchylides were natives of Iulis, and also after their time
Erasistratus the physician, and Ariston the peripatetic
philosopher and
emulator of Bion the Borysthenite. It is reputed that there
was once a
law among these people (it is mentioned by Menander,“Phanias,
the law
of the Ceians is good, that he who is unable to live well
should not
live wretchedly
”), which appears to have ordered those who were
over sixty years of age to drink hemlock, in order that the
food might
be sufficient for the rest. And it is said that once, when
they were
being besieged by the Athenians, they voted, setting a
definite age,
that the oldest among them should be put to death, but the
Athenians
raised the siege. The city lies on a mountain, about
twenty-five stadia
distant from the sea; and its seaport is the place on which
Coressia
was situated, which has not as great a population as even a
village.
Near Coressia, and also near Poeëessa, is a temple of
Sminthian Apollo;
and between the temple and the ruins of Poeëessa is the temple
of
Nedusian Athena, founded by Nestor when he was on his return
from Troy.
There is also a River Elixus in the neighborhood of Coressia.
Strabo 10.5.[7] After
Ceos one
comes to Naxos and Andros, notable islands, and to Paros.
Archilochus
the poet was a native of Paros. Thasos was founded by the
Parians, as
also Parium, a city on the Propontis. Now the altar in this
city is
said to be a spectacle worth seeing, its sides being a stadium
in
length; and so is the Parian stone, as it is called, in Paros,
the best
for sculpture in marble.
Strabo 10.5.[8] And there
is Syros (the first syllable is pronounced long), where
Pherecydes332
the son of Babys was born. The Athenian Pherecydes is later
than he.333
The poet seems to mention this island, though he calls it Syria:“There
is an island called Syria, above Ortygia.
”334
Strabo 10.5.[9] And
there is Myconos, beneath which, according to the myth, lie
the last of
the giants that were destroyed by Heracles. Whence the
proverb, "all
beneath Myconos alone," applied to those who bring under one
title even
those things which are by nature separate. And further, some
call bald
men Myconians, from the fact that baldness is prevalent in the
island.
Strabo 10.5.[10] And
there is
Seriphos, the scene of the mythical story of Dictys, who with
his net
drew to land the chest in which were enclosed Perseus and his
MOTHER
Danae, who had been sunk in the sea by Acrisius the father of
Danae;
for Perseus was reared there, it is said, and when he brought
the
Gorgon's head there, he showed it to the Seriphians and turned
them all
into stone. This he did to avenge his MOTHER,
because Polydectes the
king, with their cooperation, intended to marry his MOTHER
against her
will. The island is so rocky that the comedians say that it
was made
thus by the Gorgon.
Strabo 10.5.[11] Tenos
has no
large city, but it has the temple of Poseidon, a great temple
in a
sacred precinct outside the city, a spectacle worth seeing. In
it have
been built great banquet halls—an indication of the multitude
of
neighbors who congregate there and take part with the
inhabitants of
Tenos in celebrating the Poseidonian festival.
Strabo 10.5.[12] And
there is
Amorgos, one of the Sporades, the home of Simonides the iambic
poet;
and also Lebinthos, and Leros:“And so says Phocylides: 'the
Lerians are
bad, not one, but every one, all except Procles; and Procles
is a
Lerian.'
”335For
the natives of the island were reproached with being
unprincipled.
Strabo 10.5.[13] Nearby
are both Patmos and the Corassiae; these are situated to the
west of
Icaria, and Icaria to the west of Samos. Now Icaria is
deserted, though
it has pastures, which are used by the Samians. But although
it is such
an isle as it is, still it is famous, and after it is named
the sea
that lies in front of it, in which are itself and Samos
and Cos and the
islands just mentioned—the Corassiae and Patmos and Leros.
Famous,
also, is the mountain in it, Cerceteus, more famous than the
Ampelus,336
which is situated above the city of Samians.337
The Icarian Sea connects with the Carpathian Sea on the south,
and the
Carpathian with the Aegyptian, and on the west with
the Cretan and the
Libyan.
Strabo 10.5.[14] In the
Carpathian Sea, also, are many of the Sporades, and in
particular
between Cos and Rhodes and Crete. Among these are Astypalaea,
Telos, Chalcia, and those which Homer names in the Catalogue:“And
those who held the islands Nisyros and Crapathos and Casos and
Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and the Calydnian Islands;
”338339 for,
excepting Cos and Rhodes, which I shall discuss later,340
I place them all among the Sporades, and in fact, even though
they are
near Asia and not Europe, I make mention of them here because
my
argument has somehow impelled me to include the Sporades with
Crete and
the Cyclades. But in my geographical description of Asia I
shall add a
description of such islands that lie close to it as are worthy
of note,
Cyprus, Rhodes, Cos, and those that lie on the seaboard next
thereafter, Samos, Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. But now I shall
traverse
the remainder of the Sporades that are worth mentioning.
Strabo 10.5.[15] Now
Astypalaea
lies far out in the high sea and has a city. Telos extends
alongside
Cnidia, is long, high, narrow, has a perimeter of about one
hundred and
forty stadia, and has an anchoring-place. Chalcia is eighty
stadia
distant from Telos, four hundred from Carpathos, about twice
as far
from Astypalaea, and has also a settlement of the same name
and a
temple of Apollo and a harbor.
Strabo 10.5.[16] Nisyros
lies to
the north of Telos, and is about sixty stadia distant both
from it and
from Cos. It is round and high and rocky, the rock being that
of which
millstones are made; at any rate, the neighboring peoples are
well
supplied with millstones from there. It has also a city of the
same
name and a harbor and hot springs and a temple of Poseidon.
Its
perimeter is eighty stadia. Close to it are also isles called
Isles of
the Nisyrians. They say that Nisyros is a fragment of Cos, and
they add
the myth that Poseidon, when he was pursuing one of the
giants,
Polybotes, broke off a fragment of Cos with his trident and
hurled it
upon him, and the missile became an island, Nisyros, with the
giant
lying beneath it. But some say that he lies beneath Cos.
Strabo 10.5.[17]
Carpathos, which
the poet calls Crapathos, is high, and has a circuit of two
hundred
stadia. At first it was a Tetrapolis, and it had a renown
which is
worth noting; and it was from this fact that the sea got the
name
Carpathian. One of the cities was called Nisyros, the same
name as that
of the island of the Nisyrians. It lies opposite Leuce Acte in
Libya,
which is about one thousand stadia distant from Alexandreia
and about
four thousand from Carpathos.
Strabo 10.5.[18] Casos is
seventy
stadia from Carpathos, and two hundred and fifty from Cape
Samonium in
Crete. It has a circuit of eighty stadia. In it there is also
a city of
the same name, and round it are several islands called Islands
of the
Casians.
Strabo 10.5.[19]They say
that
the poet calls the Sporades "Calydnian Islands," one of which,
they
say, is Calymna. But it is reasonable to suppose that, as the
islands
which are near, and subject to, Nisyros and Casos are called
"Islands
of the Nisyrians" and "Islands of the Casians," so also those
which lie
round Calymna were called "Islands of the Calymnians"—Calymna
at that
time, perhaps, being called Calydna. But some say that there
are only
two Calydnian islands, Leros and Calymna, the two mentioned by
the
poet. The Scepsian341
says that the name of the island was used in the plural,
"Calymnae,"
like "Athenae" and "Thebae"; but, he adds, the words of the
poet should
be interpreted as a case of hyperbaton, for he does not say,
"Calydnian
Islands," but “those who held the islands Nisyros and
Crapathos and
Casos and Cos, the city of Eurypylus, and Calydnae.”342
Now all the honey produced in the islands is, for the most
part, good,
and rivals that of Attica, but the honey produced in the
islands in
question is exceptionally good, and in particular the
Calymnian.